Marathon winner, Lelisa Desisa, honors Boston victims

May 26, 2013 | New York Times

Lelisa Desisa with United States Secretary of State John Kerry at the American Embassy in Ethiopia

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — In a somber ceremony at the American Embassy in Ethiopia on Sunday, Lelisa Desisa, the men’s winner of this year’s Boston Marathon, said he intended to donate his medal to the people of Boston.

“Sport holds the power to unify people,” Desisa said. “Sport should never be used as a battleground.”
Desisa, 24, won the marathon in 2 hours 10 minutes 22 seconds, well before two bombs were detonated near the finish line shortly before 3 p.m. on April 15.
Speaking softly through an interpreter, he said that after his finish, “joy turned to sorrow.”
Desisa, who was not injured in the attack, which killed three people and injured more than 260, said he was donating his medal as a tribute to the victims.
Gebre Gebremariam, the men’s third-place finisher, and Meseret Hailu, the second-place finisher in the women’s competition, were also at the ceremony, as was Secretary of State John Kerry, who was concluding a trip to Ethiopia.
Desisa said he planned to participate in the event next year.
“We commit ourselves to sport,” he said, “and we promise that next year in 2014 we will return to Boston to show the world that our commitment to sport, our commitment to our freedom is stronger than any act of violence.”

Runners who were unable to finish the Boston Marathon on April 15 because of the bombings cross the finish line on Boylston Street after the city allowed them to finish the last mile of the race in Boston, Saturday, May 25, 2013. WINSLOW TOWNSON / AP PHOTO

- New York Time

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በብርጋዲየር ጄነራል ከማል ገልቹ የሚመራው ኦነግ ዓመታዊ ስብሰባውን በሚኒሶታ ጁላይ 7 ቀን 2013 እንደሚያደርግ ለዘ-ሐበሻ በላከው ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ አስታወቀ

May 2013 Leave a Comment

በጄ/ል ከማል ገልቹ የሚመራው ኦነግ በሚኒሶታ ሕዝባዊ ስብሰባ ጠራ

(ዘ-ሐበሻ) በብርጋዲየር ጄነራል ከማል ገልቹ የሚመራው ኦነግ ዓመታዊ ስብሰባውን በሚኒሶታ ጁላይ 7 ቀን 2013 እንደሚያደርግ ለዘ-ሐበሻ በላከው ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ አስታወቀ። ድርጅቱ ጁላይ 7 በሚያደርገው ሕዝባዊ ስብሰባ ላይ ዘርና ጾታ ሳይለይ ማንኛውም ኢትዮጵያውያን እንዲታደሙ ጋብዟል።
ድርጅቱ በላከው ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ ላይ የዘንድሮውን ስብሰባ ልዩ የሚያደገውን ምክንያት ሲገልጽ “ይህንን ስብሰባ ካለፉት ልዩ የሚያደርገው ማንኛውንም ኢትዮጵያዊ ወይም ብሔር እና ብሔረሰቦች እንዲሁም ሕጋዊ ከሆኑ ተቃዋሚዎች ጋር በመተባባር የወደፊት የኢትዮጵያን ህልውና እውነተኛ የዲሞክራሲ የሕግ በላይነት የማንኛውም ግለሰብና ድርጅት መብት የሚከበርባት አገር ለመመስረት እንደሆነ ከኦነግ የፖለቲካ ለውጥ መረዳት ይቻላል” ብሏል።
“በዚህ ስብሰባ ላይ የሚገኙ ፡ የሐይማኖት አባቶች ፡ የፖለትካ ድርጅቶች ፡ መካሪ አዛውንቶችና ፡ ታዋቂ ግለሰቦች በወቅታዊ ኢትዮጵያ ጉዳዮች ላይ ለመመካካር በዚሁ ታሪካዊ ጥሪ ላይ ይገኛሉ፡፡” ያለው ኦነግ “ስለዚህ ፡ ማንኛውም ኢትዮጵያዊ ፡ ይህ ጉዳይ ይመለከተኛል የሚል ሁሉ ጁላይ 7 2013 ከቀኑ 1፡00 ፒኤም እንድገኙልን በትህትና እንጋብዛለን። ብሏል።
በብርጋዲየር ጀነራል ከማል ገልቹ የሚመራው ኦነግ ሕዝባዊውን ስብሰባ የሚያደርግበት አድራሻ የሚከተለው ነው።
አድራሻ : Best Western / Kelly Inn
161 St. Anthony Ave.
St. Paul , MN , 55103
July 7 , 2013 @ 1:00 Pm
አዘጋጅ ኮሚቴ
ጁላይ 7 የኦሮሞ ሰሜን አሜሪካ የስፖርትና የባህል ፌስቲቫል በሚኒሶታ የሚደረግበት ሰሞን በመሆኑ ከሌሎች ስቴቶች እና ሃገራት የሚመጡ እንግዶች በዚህ ስብሰባ ላይ እንዲታደሙ እድሉን ይፈጥርላቸዋል ተብሎ ይጠበቃል።
Short URL: http://www.zehabesha.com/amharic/?p=3648

Power outages derail African Union’s 50th anniversary gathering in Ethiopia

May 26, 2013 (TESFA NEWS) – U.S. SecretaryJohn Kerry has been forced to leave Ethiopia without addressing the African Union summit after an electricity blackout hit the $200m Chinese-built African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa.
In his planned three-day visit to the country, Kerry was expected to discuss a range of security and bilateral issues with many African leaders and foreign dignitaries that will be gathering to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the African Union.
Before his departure to the summit, the Secretary was urged by rights and democracy groups around the world to address the increasingly deteriorating democracy and human rights situation in Ethiopia.
However, just like what happened to his predecessor Hillary Clinton, the electric power has just gone off before his planned speech that later forced him to cut short his trip and leave the country.
Daniel Finnan, a journalist from Radio France Internationale, reports that the blackout leaves presidents of France and Brazil with no audience for their speeches, except journalists, as the rest of the delegates decided to leave the dark hall in a rush.
The blackout drama left an embarrassing mess to the $1.27m fanfare by the organization. Seems the Chinese was expected to get the generators too.
Back in 2011, the same electric blackout happened while Secretary Hilary Clinton was addressing inside the old African Union building. As soon as she began the topic on democracy in the country and noticeably left out to mention Ethiopia while she named ten countries which had made democratic progress in Africa, the lights goes off for several minutes.
Suspicious of the regimes veiled attempt to undermine her strong speech in support of democratic rights in the country, Clinton decided to cut back her planned three-day trip in to one and left the country.
Coincidence or purposeful sabotage?
For political savvy Ethiopians in the country, such scenarios are no accident.
Many Ethiopians remember a similar incident on May 7, 2005 when two million Ethiopians came out to the streets in support of the popular Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) party, which was seen as a vitally needed alternative to the oppressive regime.
Just as the leaders of the opposition party were about to speak, there was an electrical outage, cutting the sound system and making it impossible to address this vast crowd of peaceful, pro-democracy supporters.
An Embarrassing moment for the Ethiopian regime – Power outage during Clinton’s AU speech in June

UK foreign aid, the final insult: Ethiopian sues Britain after claiming our £1.3billion programme supports ‘Stalinist’ regime that sent him to world’s biggest refugee camp

Daily Mail | May 26, 2023

• 

  Ethiopian police brutality
  Four million people forced off their land by security forces while their homes and farms are sold to foreign investors
• ‘Mr O’ said by suing British Department for International Development he fights on behalf of Ethiopian people who are being relocated
• Questions raised about British role in atrocities as annual payouts continue
  
• When he refused to leave his land, he was taken to military barricks and tortured
• Refugee camp over Kenyan border overflowing with Ethiopians is now largest in the world

It is hard to think of many more blessed spots on Earth than the Gambella region of Ethiopia, with its fertile soil, lush vegetation and flowing rivers – so different to the usual famine-struck images of barren terrain and starving infants we see from that country.
There are even rich seams of gold running under the verdant fields of fruit and vegetables, panned for centuries by the tribes that lived in the area.
As my bearded companion describes his homeland to me in his deep voice, he whips out his mobile phone to show me pictures that remind me of the more bucolic parts of Britain.

Dadaab refugee camp: Hundreds of thousands of refugees have fled over the Kenyan border for sanctuary. Mr O went to the camp, which is the world’s largest, after he was relocated to an army camp and beaten.

‘We lived in a village alongside the river where you could grow anything – maize, sorghum, lemon, bananas, oranges, pineapple. We were so happy growing up there and living there in our village.’

Mr O: The identity of the man who is suing DFID cannot be revealed because of safety reasons

‘I wish I could take you to see my home,’ he adds. ‘It is so beautiful.’ Instead, this man is stuck in the living hell of the world’s largest refugee camp, forced to abandon his family when he fled in fear over the border to Kenya after vicious beatings and torture.

Security forces: Ethiopian police and arms have been moving hundreds of thousands of people from their homesteads. The land is then sold off to foreign investors or wealthy Ethiopians

Yet he was lucky to escape with his life. Friends and relatives from his village of Pinykew and others nearby have been butchered, the women subjected to mass rape by gun-toting soldiers and gangs armed with machetes.

Displaced: Mr O describes how many people did not survive the relocations. Friends from his beautiful village Pinykew in Gambella (pictured) have been butchered and women subjected to mass rape by armed soldiers

Displaced: Mr O describes how many people did not survive the relocations. Friends from his beautiful village Pinykew in Gambella (pictured) have been butchered and women subjected to mass rape by armed soldiers

Now he is fighting back on behalf of his Anuak people, instructing lawyers to confront the paymasters of the repressive regime that ripped apart his life. Those paymasters are the British Government.
In a landmark case, he aims to issue proceedings against the Department for International Development (DFID), arguing its money supports a Stalin-style programme of brutal forced relocations driving large numbers of families from their traditional lands.
The London law firm he has instructed to look at launching the case, Leigh Day, says the aid breaches the department’s own human rights policies. In effect, the case challenges the way Britain hands aid to some of the world’s most despotic regimes.
In response, the Government must spend taxpayers’ money defending itself from charges it is destroying the lives of some of the world’s poorest people, rather than helping them.

If it loses, it might have to abandon key aid projects and pay compensation to thousands of exiled Ethiopians. This could cost millions of pounds.
The test case marks the culmination of long-held concerns over Ethiopia. It has become the biggest recipient of British aid, despite being an autocratic one-party state, run in similar style to the old Soviet Bloc countries.
Britain is giving £1.3 billion to Ethiopia over the course of the Coalition, the annual handouts rising by nearly two-thirds between 2010 and 2015 as the DFID struggles to find places to spend its soaring, ring-fenced budget.
Yet this is a regime that shoots street protesters, locks up dissidents and jails more journalists than almost any other country in the world.

The ruling party uses foreign handouts to strengthen its tyrannical grip, giving food and vital farming aid only to supporters, even in regions suffering hardship and hunger.
This is why the friendly man I met insists on only being known as Mr O; he is terrified taking this case could lead to fatal reprisals against his family. ‘I am very angry about this aid,’ he said. ‘Why is the West, especially the UK, giving so much money to the Ethiopian government when it is committing atrocities on my people?
‘The donations have not gone on development but on supporting the government and the army. We would be happy if it really went on development; instead, the very opposite has happened with your money.’
At the centre of the case is Ethiopia’s ‘villagisation’ of four million people in the west and south of the country, areas that have opposed a government dominated by northern Tigrayans. Among them are 225,000 Gambellans, Protestants living in a former British enclave the size of Belgium.
They are being forced from their farms and homes into new villages, just as Stalin did with such disastrous consequences in the Ukraine.

The lucrative land they lived on  for generations is being sold off to  foreign investors or given to well- connected Ethiopians.
Mr O learned of these plans at the end of 2011 when officials from the ruling party turned up one day in his village and ordered them to move.
‘The government was pretending it was about development, but people refused straight away,’ said Mr O. ‘They just want to push the indigenous people off so they can take our land and the gold.
‘At the meeting I said this could not be allowed to happen. We were under a big mango tree and I said we’d been living under this tree all our lives, working the fields and living along the rivers. Our parents and grandparents were buried nearby.’
The response was instant: he was arrested, taken to a military barracks and tortured for several hours at a time over the next three days.

‘It got to the point where I could not feel the pain, since I had been beaten so much. I thought I would die – indeed, I thought it would be better to die than to suffer like this,’ he said.
Finally he cracked and agreed to move. Only then was he given food and water. After three more days in a police station, he was sent to a new village, which did not have water, food or productive fields, and ordered to build a house.
When work went too slowly for the liking of local militia, he was taken to another army camp and beaten; afterwards, he fled over the border for sanctuary.

There he joined the hundreds of thousands of refugees – mainly Somalians but now joined by several thousand Gambellans and other Ethiopians – at the vast Dadaab refugee camp, the world’s largest.
His wife and young children remain. ‘I miss my family so much,’ he said. ‘And I don’t want to be relying on handouts in a refugee camp – I want to be productive.’
I heard similar stories from other Gambellans. One blind man said he was beaten in the face after resisting relocation; his sister was raped by soldiers and now has HIV.
A 39-year-old mother told me she and her husband were taking a sick child to hospital when armed soldiers and highlanders from the north confronted them. Her husband was shot dead and she was beaten in the face; the scars were clearly visible.
Officials then told villagers to move. ‘Our first question was about the water but they said move first, then we will supply water pipes. But we had all these rivers in our home village and their new village was six hours’ walk away from water.

‘So we put conditions on the move, saying we would go if you put water pumps in, schools and a health clinic. But the government, despite saying it was all about development, refused the deal.’
Instead, the army and gangs went on the rampage, burning homes  and killing people. Three soldiers grabbed her and raped her; one teenage son was abused with an electric prod then taken off to prison. ‘Thankfully he managed to escape,’ she said. ‘After that, we knew the next step was to kill him, so we had to leave quickly.’
Like others I met, her life has been devastated. She is exiled in a camp where the majority of refugees are Somalis and the Islamist terror group al-Shabaab operates, so must wear long clothes and cover her head.

She blames British aid policies for inflaming her misery. ‘If your country wants to help development, stop co-operating with the government that is throwing us off our land.’

Army-led atrocities in the region date back at least a decade, when 400 people were slaughtered in one town and hundreds of homes destroyed.
One village leader was in tears as she told me of seeing her husband shot dead, then being raped by six soldiers and stabbed in the belly with a bayonet. Again, she had scars to verify her story.
Yet Britain gave aid direct to the Ethiopian government until 2005. DFID only stopped after an outcry when nearly 200 people objecting to rigged elections were mown down in Addis Ababa and thousands of opposition activists were jailed.

This happened as former prime minister Meles Zenawi was being entertained by Tony Blair at the GB Gleneagles summit and hailed as an example of good governance.

A few months later, DFID backed a new scheme given the Orwellian title of Protecting Basic Services (PBS), which shifted donations from central government to projects run by regional and local officials.
But this is such a rigid one-party state that in local elections last month the ruling party won all but five of the 3,504,195 seats up for grabs.

Sense of community: Whole villages have been torn apart in recent months. Mr O’s case is being considered by a London law firm, which says the aid breaches the department’s own human rights policies.

The state keeps a firm grip at every level; even foreign diplomats are monitored tightly.
DFID documents reveal that, despite denials of funding forced relocations, British cash pays salaries of officials implementing the programme and for infrastructure in new villages.
As a Christian nation at the heart of the volatile horn of Africa and bordering two unstable Islamic states, Ethiopia is a key Western ally in the war on terror.
It has exploited this to pass anti-terrorism laws that enable it to crush dissent, jail journalists and eliminate free expression through compliant courts – what one exiled dissident described to me as ‘systemic repression by stealth’.
The State Department in Washington is scathing about human rights abuses in Ethiopia. Although the US is a major donor to the country that has become Africa’s biggest aid recipient, it does not give to PBS.

Documents released by WikiLeaks showed its diplomats in Addis Ababa believe direct support is the most vulnerable to ‘politicisation; they also discussed ‘the manipulation of humanitarian assistance for political benefit.’
Zerihun Tesfaye, a leading Ethiopian journalist who fled four years ago after threats forced the closure of his paper, said British-backed projects to aid agriculture were routinely manipulated, with access to seeds and fertiliser used to control villages and crush dissent.
‘The Ethiopian government knows the West, especially Britain, is ready to assist its repression,’ he said.

‘And they play the anti-terror card to get all the money. Sadly, people in the West give money because they have heard these famine stories since their childhood. But the money is not going to the poor – it is going to support a government making things worse in many areas, not better.’
Human Rights Watch issued a series of damning reports highlighting these issues based on scores of detailed interviews, which led the World Bank – another major donor – to launch a formal investigation into its support for PBS.
‘British aid is having an enormous, negative side effect – and that is the forcible ending of these indigenous people’s way of life,’ said Ben Rawlence, Human Rights Watch’s former team leader in the horn of Africa.
‘Yes, the money is going to schools and hospitals – but in places the people do not want to live and in a manner they did not want. Our aid is underwriting repression.’
Despite this growing body of evidence, DFID pledged another £480 million last year to PBS. Just as in Rwanda, it seems so dazzled by rapid economic growth and the desire to find an aid success story that Ministers ignore grotesque human rights abuses.
It made cursory investigations but claims it has been unable to substantiate complaints – although it was told of rapes, beatings, forced evictions and manipulation of aid by nomads forced into new villages.
And one DFID report showed officials were told people did not want to move and admitted promises had not been kept, with poor health provision, inadequate land and ‘limited livelihood options’.
Rosa Curling, the Leigh Day lawyer leading the case, said they were seeking a court declaration DFID was acting unlawfully under its own guidance and policies on human rights.
‘The villagisation programme is not only harmful but it negates exactly what DFID is aiming to do – to encourage the respect of individual human rights and assist good governance,’ she said.
But DFID denies British money is used to force people from their homes and argues its assistance has helped millions in Ethiopia.
‘We condemn all human rights abuses and, where we have evidence, we raise our concerns at the very highest level,’ said a DFID spokesman.
‘To suggest that agencies like DFID should never work  on the ground with people whose governments have been accused of human rights abuses would be to deal those people a double blow.’

Xalayaa seenaa dhugaa ibsu moo kan Oromummaa diiguuf qophaaye dha?

Abdii Boruutiin*
Mata duree kanaan barreeffama kana akkan dhiyeessu kan na taasise, akka tasaa xalayaa Afaan Amaaraatiin barreessame tokko argee dubbisuu kiyya dha. Xalayichi kun kan barreessame nama maqaan isaa Dr. Fiqree Tolasaa Jigsaa (Afaan Amaaraarraa qubeetti jijjiireen barreesse) jedhamuun yoo ta’u, kan itti ergamuuf qophaaye yookaanis itti ergame? ammoo hogganaa jaarmayaa dhiyoo kana dhalatee, Adda Diimookraatawa Oromoo (ADO) Dr. Bayyaan Asobaa ti. Xalayaa kana akka PDFtti barruu kana wajjin waanan dhiyeessef, warri Afaan Amaaraa dubbisuu danda’an qabiyyee xalayichaa gutuu isaa arguu ni danda’u. Akka naaf galetti, qabiyyee inni guddaan xalayichaa seenaa saba ykn uummata Oromoo haaraa, kan duraan dhagayamee hin beekne kan ibsu yoo ta’u, kaayyoon isaa garuu bu’aalee qabsoon bilisummaa Oromoo (QBOn) hanga har’aatti argamsiisee gaafii keessa galchuudhaan tarii akka diigaman waan mul’isu fakkaata.

Jalqaba xalayaa isaarratti, barreessaan yoo ibsu akkana jedha. Afaan Oromootti hiikuurratti yoon dogoggore dubbistootni akka na sirreessan dursee gaafachuun barbaada. “…Ana akka naaf galutti jaarmayaan keessan haaraan (ADOn) Itoophiyummaa keessanis ta’ee kan uummata Oromoo otuu asii fi achi hin jedhin amanee; biyyii Oromoos lafa ykn dachee dhiphoo Oromiyaa jedhamtu qofaa otuu hin taane Itoophiyaa guutuu akka ta’e fudhatee; hiree uummata Oromoo kan uummatoota Itoophiyaa hundaa wajjin walqabsiisee qabsaa’uuf uumame. Ejjannoon kunis uummata Oromootiif kaayyoo siyaasaa guddaa dha.” Ittifufuuudhaan, “Addi bilisummaa Oromoo (ABOn) durumarraayuu, ganamumarraayuu, dhalootumarraayuu kaayyoo ykn ejjannoo qulqulluu ta’e kana qabatee otuu jiraate, tarii kan har’a Itoopiyaa bulchu ykn hogganu isa ta’uu danda’a ture. Yoo akkan ta’e, deeggarsa fi gargaarsa uummatoota Itoophiyaa hundaatuu waan argatuufi. Kana caalaa ammoo dhiigni sun hunduu otuu hin dhangala’in; namootni hunduu otuu lafarraa hin buqqa’an; otuu biyyaa hin baqatini fi hin hidhamin hafa ture.” jedha.
Barreessaan kun waayee seenaa haaraa yoo ibsu, ragaa qabatamaatu harka kiyya jira jedha. Haa ta’u, kana isumaafan dhiisa. Garuu, asirratti wanti nama dinqu, warri ADO ijaaran Itoophiyummaa amananii haa fudhatan malee, uummatni Oromoo Itoophiyummaatti amanee fudhachuudhaaf barreessaan kun ragaa qabaa laata? Uummatni Oromoo biyya ofiirratti abbaa biyyaa ta’uuf qabsaa’aa jira malee, daangaa dabree, dachee Oromiyaa dhiphoo baldhisuu fi Itoophiyaa dhuunfachuuf hawwii waan qabuu fi kanaafis waan qabsaa’u natti hin fakkaatu. Kaayyoon qabsoo saba Oromoo, bilisummaa fi abbaabiyyummaa uummata Oromoo, kan diinni humnaan irraa fudhate deebisee akka argatu taasisuuf malee, Oromiyaa dhiphoo bal’isee Itoophiyaa dhuunfachuufii miti. Namootni ykn gareeleen muraasni Impaayarittii tana bulchaa yoo turan, mataa fi dantaa ofiitiif ta’an malee uummata Oromootiif wanti bu’aa buusan hin jiru. Hanga sirni gabrummaa hundeedhaan buqqayee kufutti, ammas ta’ee gara fuulduraatti namootni muraasni aangoo qabataniif bu’aan uummat Oromootiif argamu hin jiraatu.
Seenaa uummata Oromuu ilaalchisee, waan haaraadhaan gadi bayuu fi nu barsiisuu kan barbaadu yoo ta’e, barreessaan kun akkuma innuu jedhe ragaa qabatamaa wajjin yoo dhiyeesse ani kanarraa akka nama tokkootti, akka ilma Oromoo tokkootti rakkoo hin qabu. Waan inni xalayaa kana keessatti bal’inaan ibses warra beekumsa, barumsa fi ogummaa seenaa qabaniif dhiisuun barbaada. Haa ta’u malee, dhugaas ta’ee dhara, seenaan inni asitti ibse kun waa hunda gaafii keessa galcha. Kaayyoon xalayaa kanaa seenaa ibsuuf qofa waan dhiyaate hin fakkaatu. Seenaa kana wajjin walqabsiisee, bu’aalee QBOn argamsiise balleessuuf waan karoorfate fakkaata. Barreessaan xalayichaa, qubee Afaan Oromoo ilaalchisee, akkana jedha: “…Kabajamaa Dr Bayyaan Asobaa, gara dhimma guddaatti deebi’uudhaaf, wanti amma murteeffattan kun gaarii yoo ta’u, wanti hin hafne waan guddaa tokkotu jira…. Qubee amma Oromootni itti fayyadaman kana qubee biyyatti margeen bakka buusuuf irratti mari’attanii jirtuu? Deebiin isin gaafii kanaaf kennitan lakkii kan jedhamu yoo ta’e, irratti yoo mar’iattan gaarii dha…”  jechuudhaan fedhii isaallee ibsuu yaalee jira. Wanti ifa ta’ee mul’atu, dhimmi guddaan inni jedhus qubee balleessuu dha jechuu dha. Oromoon qubee Afaan Oromootti fayyadamuu hin qabu; kun siriidhaa mallattoo gabrummaa ti; warra kanaan dura kolonii faranjii jala turantu qubee kanatti fayyadamu malee uummata Oromootiif kun barbaachisaa miti jechuun isaatuu kaayyoo maal akka duubaa qabu mul’isa.
Barreessan kun, waayee seenaa, biyyaa fi qubee erga ibsuu yaale booda waayee alaabaas ibsuu yaalee jira. Ibsuu qofaa otuu hin taane, hogganaa ADO kanatti adaraa waan dhaammatu fakkaata. Dhimma kanas ilaalchisee akkan jedha: “…Kanaafuu, nuti warri sanyii Oromoo taane hunduu alaabaan Itoophiyaas alaabaa teenya akka taate beeknee fannisnee ittiin boonuu qabna. Adaraa keessan! Isini fi deeggartootni keessan (ADO)waayee alaabaa kana itti yaadaa. Alaabaan Itoophiyaa tun ol fagaattee qilleensarratti akka mul’atu goototni Oromoo baay’een waggoota 3400 dura itti wareegamanii jiru….” jechuudhaan dhaamsa cimaa dabarfatee jira. Alaabaa Oromoo mallattoo bilisummaa kan taateef, lubbuun ilmaan Oromoo meeqa itti galaafatmee otuu jiruu; lafeen meeqa itti caccabee fi dhiigni meeqa itti dhangalayee otuu jiru, isa kana dagachuudhaan yookaanis tuffachuudhaan; goototni Oromoo baay’een alaabaa Itoophiyaa kanaaf wareegamanii jiru jechuun isaa waan nama dinqu qofaa otuu hin taane waan nama gaddisiisuu dha. Namni kun dhuguma ilma Oromoo yoo ta’e, waan inni jechaa jiru kun anaaf qaanii guddaa dha.
Barreessan xalayaa kanaa, dhuma xalayaa isaarratti erga waayee uummata Oromoo fi uummata Amaaraa ibsuu yaale booda, hogganaa ADO kanaa fi jaarmayichaaf gorsa kennuudhaan xalayaa isaa xumura. Isa kanas akkana jechuu dhaan ibsa: “…Dhumarratti, isini (Dr. Bayyaan) fi jaarmayaa keessan (ADO) wantan gorsuu barbaadu, seenaan Oromoo kan dhugaa ta’e, dameen sanyii fi aadaa isaa irradeebi’amee akka qoratamu dhaaba qorannoo tokko akka ijaartanii dha….. hojiin dhaaba qorannoo kanaa inni tokko Oromoota eenyummaa isaaniitiin afaanfaajja’an; eenyummaa dhugaa jechuun Itoopiyummaa isaanii akka hubatan godhuu dha…” jechuudhaan kaayyoo fi fedhii ofiif qabu ifa godhee hogganticha ADOtti barreessa. Oromoon eenyummaa ofii waan wallaalu natti hin fakkaatu. Eenyummaa ofii abbaan fedhee bituus gurguruus hin danda’u kun uumaadhaan argama. Kan afaanfaajjii eenyummaa qabu (identity crises) isuma barreessaa kana malee uummata Oromootii miti. Namni kun yookaan Oromoo ta’ee nama rakkoo eenyummaa qabu yookaanis ammoo nama maqaa Oromootti fayyadamee tooftaa haaraadhaan gadi bayuudhaan daldala siyaasaa godhuu barbadu dha jedheen yaada.
Asirratti, dhaaba qorannoo seenaa ijaaruun yaada gaarii dha. Seenaa dhugaa fi dharaa addaan baafachuuf nama gargaara. Haa ta’u malee, dhaabni qorannoo akkkanaa kun walaba ta’ee hojjechuu qaba malee kan jaarmayaa tokkoon ijaaramu fi kaayyoo tokko bakkaan gayuuf gara tokkoon qorannoo gaggeessu ta’uu hin qabu. Barreessaan xalayichaa garuu, ADOdhaaf hojii manaa (home work) waan kennuu barbaade fakkaata. Dhaabni qorannoo tokko yoo garee tokkoon qofa kan ijaaramu ykn uumamu ta’e, kun ittibahinsa quubsaa fiduu waan danda’u natti hin fakkaatu. Yoo walaba ta’ee kan ijaaramu fi walbaanis hojii isaa gaggeessu ta’e, kun bu’aa tokko fiduu danda’a. Kanaaf, kun akka waliigalaatti yaada badaa miti. Afaanfaajjii seenaa dhabamsiisuuf qaamni qorannoo walabaa tokko murteessaa dha.
Dhumarratti, ani akka hubannoo kiyaatti, akka yaada fi ilaalcha kiyyaatti, xalayaan kun xalayaa seenaa dhugaa ibsuuf qophaaye otuu hin taane, xalayaa Oromummaa balleessuuf; qabsoo bilisummaa uummata Oromoo dhabamsiisuuf; bu’aalee hanga har’aatti argamanillee diiguuf, kan tooftaadhaan itti yaadame fi barreeffame dha jedheen amana. Immiyyee Itoophiyaa lubbuu itti horanii jiraachisuuf, kun tooftaa bar-dhibbee diigdamii tokkoffaa ti. Kana bakkaan gayuuf ammoo meeshaa itti fayyadaman argatanii waan jiraniif kana hojiirra oolchuuf tattaaffatu. Shirri fi dabni qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoorratti hojjetamu daangaa hin qabu. Akkuma diinni QBO halkanii fi guyyaa hojjechaa jiru Sabboontotni Oromoos yoomiyyuu caalaa kan halkanii fi guyyaa hojjetan yeroon isaa amma ta’uu qaba.
Galatoomaa!
* Abdii Boruu: aboruu@gmail.com

Remarks With Ethiopian Foreign Minister Adhanom Tedros After Their Meeting

Remarks

John Kerry
Secretary of State

African Union Headquarters

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

May 25, 2013

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you very much. Good morning, everybody. It’s my privilege to be here at this special celebration of the 50^th anniversary of the African Union and its predecessor organization. And I’m very, very pleased to have just met with Prime Minister Hailemariam, and I’m happy to be here with the Foreign Minister Tedros who we have met previously and had a chance to talk. And I think there are several key components of our relationship that I want to highlight.
First of all, we are working very closely on economic development, economic issues, bilateral trade issues. And the Prime Minister expressed his hope appropriately that the United States will in fact become more engaged, that the private sector of the United States will become more engaged in Ethiopia. We talked about some of the ways that that could happen. The Africa Growth Opportunity Act – the AGOA Act, as we know it – is one important component, and there will be a conference we hope in August, providing the dates remain firm, that will focus on this economic development. We also support Ethiopia’s accession to the WTO, and we are going to work with Ethiopia in an effort to try to help that transition.
The second area is the area of peace and stability, in the region particularly. Ethiopia has been a very strong partner, a very important partner in efforts with respect to Sudan, South Sudan, and Somalia. I worked very closely with former Prime Minister Meles, who – I came here to Addis Ababa, we worked on the issue of the comprehensive peace agreement and the referendum and moving South Sudan to independence. And we worked on the questions of Abyei and the two areas. We talked about that now and we both agreed that the situation between South Sudan and Sudan remains tense. There was work to be done, and we are going to continue to work in order to do – to address those challenging issues of Abyei, Blue Nile, South Kordofan, and the relationship between the North and the South.
I’ve mentioned previously, but I haven’t necessarily said it to the press here, I will be appointing a special envoy to Sudan and South Sudan shortly, and we look forward to engaging with our friends here in Ethiopia on efforts to try to bring greater stability to the region.
We are particularly grateful to Ethiopia for their initiative, a very important initiative in respect to Somalia. It is fair to say that the Ethiopian initiative, together with American help and support, has helped to reduce the threat of ultraviolence, and it has helped significantly to be able to produce a new opportunity for governance. And it is governance now that is the greater challenge, rather than the al-Shabaab threat.
Finally, I just raised the question – the third pillar of concern and of relationship is that of building democracy and of protecting human rights. This is a critical component. As everybody knows, we believe very deeply that where people can exercise their rights and where there is an ability to have a strong democracy, the economy is stronger, the relationship with the government is stronger, people do better, and it’s an opportunity to be able to grow faster, stronger, by rule of law. We want to continue to work with our friends in Ethiopia as they work hard to try to improve any number of initiatives with respect to those concerns.

US secretary of state John Kerry and Ethiopian foreign minister Tedros Adhanom. Photograph: Jim Young/AFP/Getty Images

So I’m delighted to be here. This is a very special moment. Ethiopia is not only the host, but the Prime Minister wears the hat of president of union and we’re honored to be here with him sharing this very important moment. And Mr. Foreign Minister, thank you. Appreciate it.
FOREIGN MINISTER TEDROS: Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Thank you so much, talking about this very important day for Africa in general, and for Ethiopia in particular. And I would like to also share with you that we have had very useful discussions on the areas that the Secretary already had mentioned – on the economic front as it had say, that should be the focus, especially in our future relationships. And we’re very grateful for the AGOA summit that will be conducted in Ethiopia August 12-13. We hope that will strengthen the trade and investment relationships between the U.S. and Ethiopia.
And in addition to that, we have had, as many of you know, relationships on social, political, defense, and security points. If we take, especially the social one, Ethiopia is the beneficiary of their foreign (inaudible). And that opportunity has been using Ethiopia in a unique way. Not only we have used the three foreign (inaudible) opportunities to save lives, but we used it to build our system also to better fight for the future. And I would like to express how grateful we are for this very generous support from the government and people of the United States. It’s really made a difference in Ethiopia.
And we had also we had (inaudible) very frank discussions on either issues, and Secretary said democracy is our priority. We’re committed to democracy, but as a national democracy. We really need strong cooperation and working together with the U.S. And we had, as we have said, discussed on regional issues – regional peace and security, Sudan and South Sudan. And on Somalia, I think he said it well, so I don’t want to add on that. But I would like to thank the Secretary for his decision to assign an envoy (inaudible) working (inaudible).
So finally I would like again to thank to the historic and very strong partnership we have with the U.S., and I hope it will grow even stronger in the future and look forward to working with you very closely as it does so much good.
SECRETARY KERRY: Likewise.
MS. PSAKI: The U.S. question will be from Scott of VOA.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, the Nigerian Government says its broken up some Boko Haram groups in the North, yet there are concerns remaining about gross human rights violations by Nigerian security forces. What’s your message about striking a balance there? And on Sudan and South Sudan, the oil is flowing again, but there remain the other issues between Khartoum and Juba, so how do you help resolve them?
And Mr. Minister, in light of the attacks in Niger, what is the African Union doing along with the international community to try to come up with a strategy to secure the broader Sahelian region against the spread of terrorism? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you very much. Well, Boko Haram is a terrorist organization and they have killed wantonly and upset the normal governance of Nigeria in fundamental ways that are unacceptable. And so we defend the right completely of the Government of Nigeria to defend itself and to fight back against terrorists.
That said, I have raised the issue of human rights with the government, with the Foreign Minister. We have talked directly about the imperative of Nigerian troops adhering to the highest standards and not themselves engaging in atrocities or in human rights violations. That is critical. And the balance comes by having strong leadership – leadership from the civilian government, leadership that flows through the forces that are there. We’ve talked about it directly.
To their credit, the government has acknowledged that there have been some problems and they’re not – they’re working to try to control it. It’s not easy; very complicated, and wide open spaces, very ungoverned, very, very difficult – very complex territory and terrain and very challenging enterprise. But always, we all of us try to hold the highest standards of behavior. One person’s atrocity does not excuse another’s. And revenge is not the motive; it’s good governance, it’s ridding yourself of a terrorist organization so that you can establish a standard of law that people can respect. And that’s what needs to happen in Nigeria.
With respect to –
QUESTION: Sudan and South Sudan.
QUESTION: On the Sudan-South Sudan, you are absolutely correct. There are very significant border challenges, but they’re bigger than that. In South Kordofan and Blue Nile, you have people who for a long time have felt that they want their secular governance and their identity respected. And they don’t want independence. They are not trying to break away from Sudan. Unfortunately, President Bashir is trying to press on them, through authoritarian means and through violence, an adherence to a standard that they simply don’t want to accept, with respect to Islamism and a rigidity with respect to their identity. So that’s the fundamental (inaudible).
And what is critical here, in my judgment, is for President Bashir to respect what the people in South Kordofan and Blue Nile are trying to achieve. Now it’s more complicated because you have the SPLM-North that has received support from the South, and that makes the North feel like the South is instigating some of what is taking place. So we need to resolve those differences. And that’s the work of an envoy and my work over the course of these next months, working with our friends here. We’ve always been very focused on and helpful in trying to reduce the violence.
Abyei presents a special challenge, obviously. And I think we agreed that it was critical that Abyei be able to have a referendum with the appropriate Miseria – that is the Miseria who actually live in Abyei and have residence there year round, not the migrant Miseria – that they be able to vote together with residents and then to decide the future.
I think North and South are in a very delicate place right now. It is important to build on the peace process, the comprehensive peace agreement, to build on the new independence of the young state, and to put the focus and energy on the people and on developing the future, not on fighting the issues of the past. That’s our challenge, all of us, and we are certainly going to continue to work at it.
FOREIGN MINISTER TEDROS: Thank you. On the terrorism issue, especially Niger and the Sahel, as you know, we have now experienced terrorism. It is now serious threat to Africa, and we had experience in this region and certainly (inaudible). And what’s happening in Niger is not isolated incidents. We have to see it in relation to what has happened – what’s happening in Mali and the whole south of Niger. And when it’s experienced in Africa on how to tackle that, we support of course from governments like U.S. and we will address it within that framework based upon the experience we have. But have to consider it as a serious issue, and fight it aggressively.
MODERATOR: (Inaudible) now it is (inaudible) question to the Ethiopian side. Let me invite (inaudible).
QUESTION: Thank you. From (inaudible). It is understood that Ethiopia (inaudible) 12 years. How do you comment this? How can (inaudible) this success you have got to (inaudible)? Another question: The peacekeeping process is very difficult. What will be your assistance to this process?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, let me begin on the peacekeeping first. Yes, it is expensive and we know that. And we are providing assistance and we will continue to provide assistance. I think Ethiopia feels as if it needs more assistance. We understand that. Let me express my gratitude on behalf of not just the American people but everybody who benefits and cares about peace is grateful to Ethiopia. Ethiopians have put themselves on the line in order to fight against terrorism and to fight for peace. And I believe that we owe Ethiopia support and assistance in order to help them do that.
With respect to the economic growth, we would love to have Ethiopia’s economic growth. Ethiopia’s one of the ten fastest growing countries in the world. It’s up in the double digits in growth. It’s really quite an extraordinary story. And so I think the United States needs to – our private sector businesses need to focus on Ethiopia and recognize the opportunities that are here and hopefully we can encourage more companies to come here and be engaged and help take part in this.
But I think the future’s being defined by countries like Ethiopia, the future of Africa, which we are celebrating in this 50^thanniversary meeting today. There’s been an enormous transition in the last 50 years. There are many more democracies and many more transitions to democracy, and many more peaceful places than there are violent ones and dictators. It is changing, and it is changing in a way that is strong so that lots of countries – Russia, Brazil, China, Japan, others – are investing and moving to take advantage of the economic possibilities of growth and development in Africa. The United States has been behind on that, and we need to change that.
QUESTION: We have time for one last –
QUESTION: Excuse me.
FOREIGN MINISTER TEDROS: What time is the Secretary (inaudible) – for second time there (inaudible) and we apologize for that because we have to run.
SECRETARY KERRY: We have to run. Seriously, the Foreign Minister only has about 68 countries to deal with. (Laughter.) Thank you both.

በየፊናችን እየተማረርን መማራችን ለበጎ ነው (አዲስ አበባ)

እቲ ናይ ቀደም ሰላም ዘመን ክምለስ፤
ሰላም ኢልና ንዝመር ብሃደ መንፈስ፡፡…
(ከኤርትራው ተወላጅ ድምጻዊ ርዕሶም ገ/እግዚአብሔር የዘፈን ግጥም የተወሰደ)
ይሄ ኢሣት የሚባል ቴሌቪዥን በትዝታ ባህር እያስዋኘ ጊዜየንም ዕንባየንም እያስጨረሰኝ ነው፡፡ በግማሽ ሜትር ርቀት እሱው ጋ  - እቲቪው አጠገብ – ከተደቀንኩ የሚያስነሳኝ የለም፡፡ ቤቴ ሁሌ በአምባጓሮ እንደታመሰ ነው፡፡ ቤተሰብ የሚፈልገውና እኔ የምፈልገው ለየቅል በመሆኑ ትንሹ አምባገነን ሆኛለሁ፡፡ ለነገሩ አምባነንነት የሚጀምረው ከቤት ነውና ይቺ ተፅዕኖየ እየተሰማችኝ መጥታለች፡፡ ምን ላድርግ?
ትናንትና ጧት ላይ ሲሳይና ተወልደ ይበልጡን በግንቦት ወር ዙሪያ የሚያጠነጥንና እልህና ቁጭት ውስጥ የሚከት ዝግጅት እያቀረቡ ሳለ አንድ ሙዚቃ ጋበዙን፡፡ የዚህ ሙዚቃ አዝማች በመግቢያየ ላይ ያስቀመጥኩት ነው፡፡ የአማርኛንና የትግርኛን ቋንቋዎች ተቀራራቢነት የምገልጽላችሁ ይህን እላይ ያስቀመጥኩትን የሁለት ስንኞች ዘለላዎች ወዳማርኛ ላለመተርጎም በመፈለግ ነው – ተቻችሏልና – ከዚህ በላይ እንደምን ይነገር – ያው ነው፡፡ ስልቻ ቀልቀሎ ቀልቀሎ ስልቻ፤ (እኛን የሚያለፋን ክፉ መንፈስ ብቻ፡፡)
በተለይ ከ1960ዎቹ የመጨረሻ ዓመታት አንስቶ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የተለቀቀው የአውሬው ክፉ መንፈስ በሀገራችን የሠለጠነው ክፉ አውሬ ያላደረገን ነገር የለም፡፡ ኢትዮጵያችንን እንደገና መሥራት እጅግ አስቸጋሪ እስከሚሆንብን ድረስ የአጋንንት ኃይል ተጫውቶብናል፡፡ ተመሳሳይ የባህልና የኢኮኖሚ እንዲሁም የሃይማኖትና የሥነ ልቦና ቀመር ባላቸው የአንዲት ሀገር ሕዝብ መካከል በሌሎች ሀገራት ያልታዬ የመከፋፈልና የዘረኝነት አባዜ ታይቶብናል፡፡ የታዩብንን ኆልቁ መሣፍርት የሌላቸውን ጉድፎች ከመግለጽ ይልቅ ያልታዩልንን ጥቂት መልካም ገጽታዎች መናገሩ ሳይቀለን አይቀርም – እነሱም ካልደበዘዙ፡፡
ለዐይን ይበጃል ተብሎ የተቀቡት ኩል ዐይንን እንደሚያጠፋ ሁሉ የነበሩንን አነስተኛ ችግሮች ለማስወገድ ብለን አንዳንዶቻችን በወሰድናቸው እርምጃዎች የጋራ የትስስር ገመዶችን (social fabrics) ከመበጣጠስ ጀምሮ አጠቃላዩ ማኅበረሰብኣዊና ሀገራዊ ኅልውናችን ጥያቄ ውስጥ እስኪገባ ድረስ ረጂም የጥፋት መንገድ ተጉዘናል፡፡ የሀብትና ሥልጣን ሱስ እንዲሁም አጥንትን ሰርስሮ የገባው የቂም በቀል ልክፍትና የጥላቻ መንፈስ ከደም ዝውውር ሥርዓታችን በቀላሉ ስለማይወጡ እንጂ አሁን ሰዓቱ የንስሃ ነበር፡፡ ንስሃው ቀርቶ ከምንሠራቸው ተጨማሪ ጥፋቶች መቆጠብ በራሱ ትልቅ መልካም ዋጋ የሚያሰጠው ነበረ፡፡ ‘Better late than never’ ይላሉ ፈረንጆች – አርፍዶም ቢሆን አንድን (መልካም) ሥራ መሥራት የሚገባ መሆኑን ለማጠየቅ፡፡ ግን ማን ዐውቆት? የዘመኑንስ መቃረብ ማን ተረድቶት? …
ርዕሶም ገ/እግዚአብሔር ለአንድ ድሃ ዘመዴ የሚሆነኝን ዕንባ ሊያውም በጧቱ አስነባኝ፡፡ እግዚአብሔር ይባርከው፡፡ የብዙ ልጆች አባት የነበረውና በሻዕቢያ ሠርጎ ገቦች የተገደለው የነምሥግና ደግ መንፈስ፣ የነዶክተር ፍስሐጽዮን መንግሥቱ ደግ መንፈስ፣ የሌሎቹም የቀድሞዋ የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ግዛት የኤርትራ ዕንቁ ልጆች ደገኛ መንፈስ ከመለኮት ጥበቃ ጋር በነፍስና በሥጋው አይለዩት፡፡ ልጅነቴን አሳየኝ፡፡ የደጉን ዘመን አሻራዎች በዘፈኑ አስቃኘኝ፡፡ አዲስ አበባ ላይ በተወሰኑ ቦታዎች ፈልጌ ስላጣሁት ይህን ዘፈኑን በኢሜሌ ለሚልክልኝ ወገን – ምን ሽልማት ላዘጋጅ እባካችሁን – አዎ – አዲስ አበባ አሥመራ የደርሶ መልስ የመኮንን ነጋሽ ወይም የሀጂ አብዱ አሊያም የወሎ ፈረስ ሀገር አቋራጭ ትኬት በአድራሻው እልክለታለሁ፡፡ በእነዚህ አልሄድም ለሚል የንሥር አሞራ ትኬትም አለኝ፡፡ (እነዚህንና ሌሎችን የሕዝብ ትራንስፖርት ማኅበራት  የሚያስታውስ ይኖር ይሆን? ዘመኑ እኮ እየራቀ ሄደ!)
ርዕሶምን ወደድኩት፡፡ እንዲህ ይላል – ጦርነት ይብቃን፤ እንደ ቀድሞ ሠናይ ዘመን ወደ አንድነታችን እንመለስ፤ የአንድ ቤተሰብ ልጆች ተበታትነን አንቅር፤ በአክሱም በአድዋ በጎንደር በጎጃም ባህር ዳር አድርገን በአውቶቡሶችቻችን ልክ እንደዱሮው  በፈለግነው አቅጣጫና ወደፈለግነው ቦታ እንደርሱ አገላለጽ ወዳፈተተን የኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ግዛት እንዳሻን እንመላለስ፤ ከሸዋ ወደ አሥመራ ያላንዳች ኮንቮይና ያላንዳች የጉዞ ሰነድ በአንድ ሀገር ልጅነት እንዘዋወር፤ በምፅዋ በሃሰብ በአውሣ በደሴ በኮምቦልቻ ከሚሴ አድርገን ትሬንታ ኳትሮዎቻችን፣ ኤን ትሬዎቻችን፣ ሎንቺናዎቻችን እንደቀድሞው ደጉ ዘመን ሰውም ሆነ ዕቃ እየጫኑ ይመላለሱ፤  (በተንኮለኞችና በመሠሪዎች) ከሸልቶው የተለየው ሪሞርኪ ይቀጠልና መኪናው የተሟላ አቋም ይኑረው – የተበጠሰው ግንኙነት ይቀጠል፤ በሃይማኖትና በቋንቋ ልዩነቶች መቆራቆስ ይብቃ… ይለናል – ሰሚ ከተገኘ የርዕሶም ዘፈን ታሪካዊ ነው፡፡ የቀድሞውን ዘመን በጨረፍታም ቢሆን ላዬ ለእንደኔ ዓይነቱ ከርታታ ዜጋ ይህ ዘፈን ካላስለቀሰው ሌላ ምንም ሊያስለቅሰው የሚችል ነገር የለም – አለበለዚያም ራሱ አስለቃሽ ነው ማለት ነው፡፡
የደረስንበት ዘመን ለወሬ ብዙም የሚያምር አይደለም፡፡ ከአሁን ወዲያ ወሬና የፖለቲካ ትንተና ሳይሆን ተግባራዊ እንቅስቃሴ ብቻ ነው ሀገራችንን ከወረሯት መዥገሮችና ገሃነማዊ የእሳት ትሎች ነጻ ሊያወጣት የሚችል፡፡ በመቶዎች የአስተሳሰብና የአመለካከት ጎራዎች እየተቧደኑ በነገር ጅራፍና በአሽሙር ጦር መተጋተጉ፣ በመቶዎች የሲቪል ማኅበረሰብ ተቋማት እየተደራጁ በቃላትና በተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ጠላትን በምናብ ‹ማደባየቱ›፣ ወጡ ሳይወጠወጥ በርቀትም በቅርበትም በህልማዊ ሥልጣን ነፍዞ መቆራቆሱ፣ ተመሳሳይ በሽታን ለማከም ተመሳሳይ የዘረኝነት ክትባትን ተከትቦ በዚያ ያረጀ ያፈጀ የጎጠኝነት ፈሊጥ ተሰባስቦ የ‹እገሌ ብሔር ነጻ አውጪ ድርጅት› እያሉ በወያኔዊ ቅኝት መጓዙ፣ ከአንዱ እያኮረፉ ወደሌላው በመግባት ከነባሩ የበሰበሰና የገማ ስብዕና መገለጫ ጋር አዲስና የቆዩ እንቅስቃሴዎችን ማጨንገፉ፣ ለሥልጣንና ገንዘብ ሲባል በሕዝብ የማቴሪያልና የሞራል ሕይወት መጫወቱ… ላለፉት 22 ዓመታት ተሞክሮ ‹እነሱ›ን ከመጥቀም ባሻገር ‹እኛ›ን ጨምሮ ሁላችንንም  የሚጠቅም አንዳችም ለውጥ ባለማምጣቱ ከዚህ በኋላ በዚህ የተበላ ዕቁብ መንገድ መራመዱ ዋጋ የለውም – የሕዝብን የነጻነት ፍለጋ መንፈስ በማቀጨጭና አለኝታን በማሳጠት ረገድ የተጫወተው ሚናም ቀላል አይደለም – ሕዝቡን ሰጥ ረጭ ያደረገውም ይሄው ነው (‹አገባሻለሁ ያለ ላያገባሽ ከባልሽ ሆድ አትባባሽ› የሚባለው ይህን ዓይነቱን መጥፎ አጋጣሚ ለመግለጽ ነው)፡፡ ከአሁን በኋላ ማድረግ የሚገባን ‹እነሱ›ንም ‹እኛ›ንም በእኩል የሚጠቅም፣ ሀገራችንን ከውርደት የሚያድን፣ ሕዝባችንን ካለመኖር ወደመኖር የሚያመጣ አዲስ ተግባራዊ እንቅስቃሴ መጀመር እንጂ የሞኝ ዘፈን ሁልጊዜ አበባየ እንዲሉ በጀመርነው የንግግርና የጽሑፍ እንካስላንትያ መቀጠሉ ብዙም ፋይዳ ያለው አይመስለኝም፡፡ ከነተረቱ የወሬ የለውም ፍሬ ነው፡፡ ሕዝቡ የሚፈልገው ዜና ‹ እንደዚህ የሚባል ጠንካራ የተቃዋሚ ኃይል እነዚህን ጠቅላይ ግዛቶች ተቆጣጥሮ ወደመናገሻዋ ከተማ ወደ አዲስ አበባ በከፍተኛ ፍጥነት እየተጓዘ ነው› የሚል እንጂ የነገር ወንጭፍ ሰልችቶታል፡፡ የዚያ ዓይነት ዜና በተነገረ ማግሥት – ለዚያ ዓይነቱ ዜና ያብቃን እንጂ – በየትኛውም ኢትዮጵያዊ ሥፍራ ምን ሊፈጠር እንደሚችል መገመት አይከብድም፡፡ ለማንኛውም ጥቂት ነጥቦችን እንዳመጣጣቸው ላክልና ላብቃ፡፡
1. ቪኦኤ ‹ወጣቱ የፖለቲካ ተንታኝ› እያለ የሚያሞካሸውን የጁሃር ሲራጅ መሃመድን የኢሣት ቃለ መጠይቅ ተከታተልኩ፡፡ እጅግ የሚመስጥ ነው፡፡ ልጁም የዋዛ አይደለም፡፡ ጥሩ አንባቢ ነው፡፡ የልጅ ዐዋቂ ቢባል አያንሰውም፡፡ ይደግ ይመንደግ፡፡ ከዐይን ያውጣው፡፡ እንደልደቱ አያሌው የትንታግ አንደበት ባለቤት ነው – ያነጻጸርኩት አንደበታቸውን ነው፤ አንደበት ደግሞ የእውነተኛ ማንነት መገለጫ አይደለም – ተግባር ነው ዋናው የማንነት ማሳያ፡፡ የተሰማኝን ቅሬታ ግን በእግረ መንገድ ልግለጥ፡፡ እናም ለጁሃር ብቻ ይህችን ጸሎትና አስተያየት ልሰንዝር፡፡
የተሟላ ኢትዮጵያዊ ስብዕና እንድትላበስ፣ ከሌንጮ ለታዊ ሻዕቢያ ተከል ኋላቀር አስተሳሰብ ነጻ የወጣህ እንድትሆን፣ ከአንድ ብሔር ተቆርቋሪነት ወጥተህ የሁሉም ኢትዮጵያውያን/ት ዜጎች አለኝታ እንድትሆን ፈጣሪ ይርዳህ፡፡ ይህን የምለው በቃለ መጠይቁ ከተናገረው ሳይሆን ካልተናገረው ነገር ግን ለኔና መሰል ወገኖቼ ከዐይነ ውኃው ከሚገባን ተነስቼ የተረዳሁትን ነው፡፡
ጉዳዩ እንዲህ ነው፡፡ በእንግሊዝኛው paralanguage ይሉት ነገር አለ፡፡ በቋንቋ የመግባባት ሂደት ቀላል አይደለም – እጅግ አስቸጋሪ ነው፡፡ እየመረቅሁህ የምረግምበት፣ እየሰደብኩህ የማመሰግንበት፣ ፍቅሬን እየገለጥኩልህ ጥላቻየን የማንጸባርቅበት የአነጋገር ሁኔታ አለ፡፡ ወርቃማ ቃላትን፣ ሰውነትን በሃሤት የሚያለመልሙ ሀረጋትንና ዐረፍተ ነገሮችን በአንደበቴ እየተናገርኩ ባለሁበት ሁኔታ የሰውነት እንቅስቃሴየና መላው የአነጋገር ድባቤ ሲጠና ግን ከምናገረው በስተጀርባ የተለያዩ የእውነተኛው ስሜቴ ነጸብራቆች የሆኑ ተቃራኒ መልእክቶች ሊተላለፉ እንደሚችሉ መታወቅ አለበት፡፡ ቋንቋ ብቻውን እውነተኛውን ማንነታችንን አያሳይም ማለት ነው፡፡ ድባብና ዐውድ እንዲሁም ድምፀት ቋንቋ አከል የመግባቢያ ሥልቶች ናቸው፡፡ ሁሉንም እንደወረደ ከወሰድነው ለተሳሳተ ግንዛቤ ልንጋለጥ እንችላለንና ንግግርን ከዐይነ ውኃ ጋር በማዛመድ የሰውን እውነተኛ ማንነትና ስሜት ከተራው ሥነ ልሣናዊ ዐውድ ወጣ ባለ መንገድ ለመረዳት መሞከር ይገባናል፡፡ በዚህ ረገድ ብዙ ማለት ቢቻልም ለአሁኑ ይብቃን፡፡
ጁሃር የኢትዮጵያን ስም መጥራት በልጆች አነጋገር የሚደብረው ይመስለኛል፡፡ በዚያ ቃለ መጠይቁ ጠያቂው ኢትዮጵያን በተደጋጋሚ ለመጥራት ቢሞክርም ተጠያቂው ገሸሽ ሲያደርግና ወደኦሮሚያ ክፉኛ ሲያዘነብል አስተውያለሁ ፤ ከተሳሳትኩ እታረማለሁ፡፡ ግን ለምን እንዲህ ሆነ? ብለን መጠየቅ እንችላለን፡፡ ምክንያቱን ከመገመት በስተቀር በግልጽ ለማወቅ ይከብዳል፡፡
ጁሃር የወያኔ ዘመን ምሁር ነው፤ ያልዘሩት አይበቅልምና የተቃኘበት ዘፈን ሁሉ ከኮዝሞፖሊታኒዝም አነስ ሲልም ከኢትዮፒያኒዝም እጅግ ባፈነገጠ መልኩ የአንድ ብሔር አቀንቃኝ ሊሆን የመቻሉ ምሥጢር ጊዜው ያቀረበለት ምርጫና እርሱም ምናልባትም ሳይወድ በግዱ የተቀበለው አካሄድ ይመስላል፡፡ እናም እንደ ዶክተር ፍቅሬ ቶሎሣ ጥናታዊ ዘገባ ከ80 በመቶ በላይ በጋብቻና ወሊድ ትስስር እርስ በርሱ ተጋምዶ እንደውሃና ወተት የተዋሃደውን የኢትዮጵያን ሕዝብ ‹ኦሮሞ፣ አማራ …› እያለ በወያኔ በተቀደደለት ቦይ ለመፍሰስ መሞከሩ ትንሽ አሳስቦኛል፤ ከልጅ አንደበት ይህን መሰል ፍካሬ የማንበቤ ዕድለቢስነቴም አስቆጥቶኛል፡፡ ይህ ብርቅዬ ልጃችን እንደገና ቁጭ ብሎ ማሰብ ይኖርበታል – እኔ እሱን የኔ ብዬ ያለመሻከክ እንድቀበለው እርሱም የጋራ እናታችንን እማዬ እንዲላት እጠብቃለሁ – የእንጀራ እናቱ አይደለችምና፡፡ ገና ወጣት እንደመሆኑ ቅኝቱን ለብልጣብልጥነት ሥልት ሳይሆን ለእውነት ብሎ ካስተካከለ  በመለኮታዊ የዕውቀት ትውፊት ታድሏልና ሁላችንንም የሚጠቅም የሁላችንም ተስፋ ሊሆን የሚችልበት ዕድል አለው፡፡ አሁን በያዘው ጎዳና ቢቀጥል ግን አዝናለሁ የትም ይደርሳል ብዬ አላስብም፡፡ ላስፈራራው አይደለም፡፡ እውነትን መናገር ስላለብኝ ነው፡፡ ዘመኑ የጎጥና የሸንተረር፣ የነገድና የአጥንት ጥራት ሳይሆን የሰብኣዊነት ነው፡፡ እንስሳት የዕድገት ደረጃቸው እንደሚፈቅድላቸው ዐይጥ ከዐይጥ ፣ ድመት ከድመት፣ ውሻም ከውሻ… ይሰባሰቡ፡፡ ሰዎች ግን ሰዎች ስለሆንን በደምና በአጥንት ሳይሆን በሰውነታችንና በሀገራዊ የጋርዮሽ ዜግነታችን  እንሰባሰብ፡፡ (ከአሁን በኋላ ደግሞ መታወቂያችን ላይ ‹ብሔር› የሚል ነገር መኖር የለበትም፤ ዜግነት የሚለው በቂ ነው፡፡)
‹ከአነጋገር ይፈረዳል፤ ከአያያዝ ይቀደዳል› ነውና ጁሃር የአዲሱ ዘመን ሐዋርያ መሆን ከፈለገ በዘር የታሸውና ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪን ሕዝብ ከኢትዮጵያ አጀንዳ እየነጠለ ኦሮሚያና ኢትዮጵያ የሚባሉ ልይት ኑባሬዎች ያሉ ያህል መስበኩ አዋጪ ካለመሆኑም በተጨማሪ ሌላ ዋጋ ያስከፍለናል፡፡ አንድን ሕዝብ በዘርና በሃይማኖት እየነጣጠሉ አንዱን ጨቋኝ ሌላውን ተጨቋኝ እያደረጉ ማቅረብ ስህተት ነው፡፡ በመሠረቱና እንደእውነቱም ከሆነ ተጨቋኝ እንጂ ጨቋኝ ሕዝብ የለም፡፡ እርግጥ ነው – ከአንድ ሕዝብ አብራክ የሚገኙና ከዚያ ሕዝብ የተወሰነውን ክፍል አስተባብረው የራሳቸውን ህልምና ቅዠት በሌሎች ላይ የሚጭኑ አሰለጦች እንዳሉ ሩቅ ሳንሄድ እዚሁ ሀገራችን ውስጥ በከባድ ክፍያ ተምረናል – ይህን የፈጠጠ ጠባሳ ለመሻር ብዙ መሥራት እንደሚጠበቅብንም መገንዘብ አለብን፡፡ ከዚያ ውጭ አማራ/ትግሬ የሚባል ጨቋኝ ኦሮሞ/ደቡብ የሚባል ተጨቋኝ ነበረ/አልነበረም በሚል ጉንጭን ማልፋት ተማርኩ ከሚል ቀርቶ ከደንቆሮም ሰው አይጠበቅም – ከዚያ የተሻለ ፍሬያማ ውጤት የሚያስገኝ ሥራ ባልጠፋበት ዘመን የዱሮ ታሪክ እያነሱ ወርቃማ ጊዜን ማባከንም ሞኝነት ነው፡፡ አማራው በኦሮሞው ውስጥ፣ ትግሬው በአማራውና በኦሮሞው ውስጥ ፣ ጉራጌው በሃዲያውና በሰሜኑ ውስጥ፣ ሰሜኑ በምዕራቡና በምሥራቁ ውስጥ የአንዱ ደም በሌላው ደም ውስጥ እየቀለጠ ሰምና ወርቅ ሆነው ይኖሩ እንደነበር ከዘነጋን የተሸረጠብን አንዳች ክፉ መንፈስ፣  ተዳብሎን ያለ ሸርና ተንኮል አለ ማለት ነውና ራሳችንን እንመርምር፡፡ የጋራ ችግርን በጋራ መፍትሔ ማስወገድ እየተቻለ ሽል ምንጠራ ውስጥ መግባት አስፈላጊም ተገቢም ወቅታዊም አይደለምና በተለይ ምሁራን የተባላችሁ ወገኖች ተጠንቀቁ፡፡ መማር ጥሩ ነው – ነገር ግን ዐወቅሁ ብላ መጽሓፋቸውን ያጠበችውን የቄሱን ሚስት መሆን አይገባም፡፡ ሕዝብ ‹ማን ይምራህ? እንዴት ይምራህ? ችግርህ ምንድን ነው?› ተብሎ ይጠየቃል እንጂ ያላሳከከውን በማከክ ያልነበረና የማይፈለግ ቁስል መፍጠር ነውር ነው፡፡ እኛ እንደሕዝብ አብረን ነው የኖርነውና እየኖርንም ያለነው፡፡
ከኔ ቤት ቀጥሎ ተስፋጋብር አለ፤ ከተስፋጋብር ቤት ቀጥሎ የሻመና ቶቆ ቤት አለ፤ ከርሱ ቤት ፊት ለፊት የደቻሳና የጫልቱ ቤት ይገኛል፤ ከነሱ ቤት በስተኋላ ግደይና ስንሻው ቡና እየተጠራሩ በሀዘኑም በደስታውም እየተገናኙ በሰላም ይኖራሉ፡፡ በአብረኸት ሠርግ ጣይቱና ዘርመጪት ልባቸው እስኪጠፋ ይጨፍራሉ፡፡ በሐጎስ ቤት የክርስትና ድግስ  ይነጋልና አበቅየለሽ ታፋቸው እስኪገነጠል ጮቤ ይረግጣሉ፡፡ በፈይሣና በካሣሁን የቀብር ሥነ ሥርዓት ላይ ፍትዊና ሃንቆሬ ስቅስቅ ብለው ያለቅሳሉ … እኛ እንዲህ ነበርን፤ ነንም፡፡ ባልና ሚስቶቹ አደፍርስና አምለሰት፣ ዘርዓይና ገመቺሣ፣ ዘርትሁንና ጎይቶም፣ ቦጋለና ትብለፅ ያፈሯቸው ልጆች እነሜሮን ሣሚ ዳኒ ቲቲ … የጋራ ሀገር ይፈልጋሉ፡፡ በዘርና በጎሣ የተሸነሸነች ሳትሆን እንደጥንት እንደጧቱ የዝውውር ነጻነት ያልተገደበባትና በዘር ምክንያት የመፈናቀል ጣጣ የሌለባትን ኢትዮጵያ ይፈልጋሉ፡፡ አሁን ለተጨማሪ ጊዜ ይህንን ሕዝብ እንዴት ነው ኦሮሚያ ጎጃሚያ ጎንደሪያ ወሎዊያ … እያልን እንደደሮ ሥጋ የምንበልተው? ግፍ አይደለም? ትንሽ ማፈር አለብን፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ እንደፍልስጥኤምና ኮሶቮ አይደለም፤ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ እንደሦርያውያን አጥንት ድረስ የዘለቀ የእርስ በርስ ጥላቻ ላይ ገና አልደረሰም – ይህ እውን እንዲሆን የመሪዎች ጥረት ቢኖርም፡፡ የሕዝብ ለሕዝብ ጠብ የለብንም – የብልህ አመራር እጦት እንጂ፡፡ በፍቅርና በመቻቻል የሚኖር ሕዝብ በዘር እየለዬ በር ሳያንኳኳ በየቤቱ የሚገባን ሌባና ቀጣፊ አይቀበልም፡፡ እርግጥ ነው – ይህንን አብሮነት ለመበጣጠስ ብዙ ቢሞከርም እንደምንም ይዘነው እስካሁን ድረስ ዘልቀናል – አሁን ቆም ብለን ማሰብ ይገባናል፤ ምክንያቱም ነገሮች እንዳሉ የማይቀጥሉበት ሁኔታም አለና፤ ለዚህ ደግሞ ምሁራን ትልቅ ድርሻ አላቸው – ከየቀለሱት የግል ጠባብ ዓለም እየወጡ ሰፊ ሜዳ ላይ ይገናኙ፡፡ በቀናነት ይወያዩ፤ የሚበጀንንም ይወስኑና በጋራ ለጋራ ድል ያነሳሱን፡፡ ዘርና ሃይማኖት ደግሞ በትግሉ ላይ ከፍተኛ አሉታዊ ጫና ስለሚያሳድሩ እነዚህ ልዩነቶች በየትኛውም ሚዲያም ይሁን መድረክ ግዘፍ ነስተው መራገብ የለባቸውም፡፡ የሌሎች ሀገሮች መንግሥታት ሕዝባቸውን አንድ አድርገው ለመግዛት ቀና ደፋ ሲሉ በተገላቢጦሽ የኞች የምንላቸው መሠሪ ልጆቻችን እያለያዩ ሲቀጠቅጡን ኖረዋል፡፡ ሰላምና ፍቅር ጠላታቸው የሆኑ ያህል የሕዝብን ሰላምና መረጋጋት አይወዱም፡፡ የብልጽግናቸውና የሥልጣናቸው እርዝማኔ መሠረት የሕዝብ ስቃይና መከራ ነው ማለት ይቻላል፡፡ እነሱም እኛም ዕድለቢሶች ነን፡፡
ጁሃርን በሚመለከት አንድ ነገር ደግሜ ልናገር – ይህ የደስ ደስ ያለው መልከ ቀና ወጣት ‹እኔ መቼ እንዲህ አልኩ? መች ወጣኝ?…› ሊል ይችላል፡፡ እውነቱን ነው፡፡ እኔ ነኝ በጥራዝ ነጠቃዊ የሥነ ልቦና ‹ዕውቀቴ› ልጁን ያነበብኩት፡፡ የምንደሰትበት እንጂ የምናዝንበት አጋጣሚን ፈጣሪ ያርቅልን እስኪ፡፡
2. ልጅ ተክሌ ወይም ተክለ ሚካኤል ከካናዳ በቅርቡ የጻፈውንና ሌላም ጊዜ የሚጽፈውን ሁሌ እከታተላለሁ፡፡ የእውነትን ክኒን እንዳለች ለመዋጥ እጅግ መራር በመሆኗ ለብዙዎች አስቸጋሪ ናት፡፡ ውሸት ግን አንጎልን ወደተፈለገው አቅጣጫ እየጠመዘዘች ስለምታነሆልል እርሷን ለማዳበልና በቤተሰብነት ለመያዝ የማይጣደፍ የለም፡፡ በተለይ በአሁኑ ዘመን የሀሰት ጓደኞች ሥፍር ቁጥር የላቸውም፤ እውነት እየኮሰመነች ናት – መጨረሻዋ ያማረ ቢሆንም፡፡
ተክሌ ሃሳብን በነጻ የመግለጽ ባህል በዳበረበት የምዕራቡ ዓለም ከአሥር ዓመት በላይ የኖረና እውነትን ተናግሮ ከመሸበት ለማደር የቆረጠ ወጣት ይመስላል (ልደቱን እንዴት እንደወደደው ግን አልገባኝም – ወይም ስለመውደድ አለመውደዱም የተሳሳተ ግንዛቤ ይዤ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡)፡፡ ለሀገራችን ፊት ለፊት የመሞከሻሸት ዞር ሲሉ ግን በሃሜት የመጎሸማመጥ ባህል ይህ የተክሌ ዓይነቱ አካሄድ ታላቅ መፍትሔ ሥራይ ነው፡፡ በቃ – ብዙ ነገሮች ይብቁን፡፡ አየናቸው – ሞከርናቸው – ተጎዳንባቸው እንጂ አልተጠቀምንባቸውም፡፡ ስለዚህ አካፋን አካፋ እንበል፡፡ እናም የእውነትን ዘገር ከያዝን ስለማንም ይሁን ስለምንም የሚሰማንን እንነጋገር፡፡ አነሳሳችን በቀናነት ይሁን እንጂ አለባብሰን መሄድን በመተው ስሜትን በማይጎዱ ቃላት አንገትን በማያስደፉ ውብ አገላለጾች ወዳጅ ዘመድን እንውቀስ፤ እንተች፤ በሳይቃጠል በቅጠል እንተራረም፡፡ እየተሸፋፈነ የሚሄድ ቁስል መጨረሻው ካንሰር ነው፡፡ ‹ጨዋ ሲጋባ የተፋታ ያህል ነው› የሚለውን ብሂል በደንብ እናጢነውና አፍረጥርጠን መነጋገርን እንልመድ፡፡ በጀርባ ከመተማማት በግልጽ ተወያይተን ቅሬታን ማስወገድን ብንለምድ ተጠቃሚዎች እንሆናለን፡፡
በለውጥ ኅልውናም እንመን፡፡ አንድ ሰው ትናንት ሌባ ከነበረ ዛሬ ጨዋ የማይሆንበት ምክንያት የለም፤ ትናንት ወያኔ ከነበረ ዛሬ ፀረ – ወያኔ የማይሆንበት ምክንያት የለም፤ ትናንት ውሸታም ከነበረ ዛሬ እውነት ተናጋሪ የማይሆንበት ምክንያት አይኖርም፤ ዋናው ለውጡ አሳማኝና ትክክለኛ ነው ወይ የሚለው ነው፤ ለውጡ በርግጥ የባሕርይ ለውጥን ያስከትላል ወይ ብለን መፈተሸ ነው ያለብን፤ ያን በጥልቀትና ከተለያዩ አቅጣጫዎች አንጻር መመርመር ይገባናል፡፡ ይህን የምናደርገው መንሸራተት እንዳይኖርና ሠርጎ ገብን ለመከላከል ነው፡፡ ለውጡ ለሥልት ነው ወይንስ ሃቀኛ ነው ብለን እንፈትሽ እንጂ አንድ ለውጥ ስናይ የለውጡ አስፈሪነት እንዳባተተን ወይም እንዳስበረገገን ያህል ድንገት ዱላ እየመዘዝን አናት አናትን መቀጥቀጥ ወይም ብዕር እያወጣን በቃላት እሩምታ ንጹሓንን ድባቅ መምታት ተገቢ አይደለም፡፡ ፀረ ለውጥ ሆነን ትግሎችን ወደኋላ ማስኬድ የነጻነት ጠላት መሆን ነው፡፡ በነገረኛ ብዕርና ፓልቶክም ሰዎችን ከመጠጋታቸው አናባርር፡፡ ብዙ ወገኖቻችን ራሳቸውን ከትግል ያራቁትና እያራቁ የሚገኙት የይሉኝታቢስ ወንድሞቻችንን ይሉኝታቢስና ሚዛን የማይደፋ የስድብና የዘለፋ ዛቻን እየፈሩ እንደሆነ ይነገራልና ከእንግዲህ እነዶኪሾትና እነአያ እንደልቡ ጥንቃቄ ቢያደርጉ ይመረጣል፡፡ ከሁሉም ከሁሉም በቅድመ ሁኔታ ያልታጠረ ቀናነትንና መደማመጥን እንላበስ፤ ከአሉታዊነት ይልቅ አወንታዊነት ጠቃሚ መሆኑን እንገንዘብ፡፡ ለማሰብ ጊዜ ይኑረን፡፡ አንድን ነገር ለማጣራት ጊዜና ትዕግሥት ይኑረን፡፡ በአንድ ቅኝት መጓዝ ከጥቅሙ ጉዳቱ ያመዝናልና ዙሪያ ገባችንን እያየን ራሳችንን በተገቢው መንገድ እናዘምን፡፡ ደግሞም እርስ በርስ በከንቱ አንጠፋፋ፡፡ ለሚያልፍ ዘመን የማያልፍ ትዝብት አናስቀምጥ – እንተማመን ፡- ሕዝቡም ሆነ ታሪክ ሁሉንም ለይቶ ያውቃል፡፡ ማን ለምን ምን እንደሚያደርግ በዚህ ዘመን ለማንም ድብቅ አይደለም፡፡ የ‹ዝምብ ልጃገረድ› በምትታወቅበት ሀገር ውስጥ ዘረኝነት ወይም ይህን መሰል ሌላ ከፋፋይ ሥልት በማታገያነት ለምን ጥቅም ላይ እንደሚውል የማያውቅ ይኖራል ብሎ መገመት ጅልነት ይመስለኛል፡፡ በተጨማሪም ‹እንግዲህ ጀመረው!› ‹አሄሄ… ያ ሰውዬ ያን የነገር ጭቃውን በነእንትና ላይ ሊለጥፍ ተነሣ…› ከመባል ይልቅ በገምቢ አስተያየት ሰጪነት በሰዎች መሃል መወሳት ትልቅ መታደል መሆኑን እንረዳ፡፡…
ስህተትን የማይሠራ የሞተ ብቻ እንደሆነ አምነን ስህተት ከሠራን ያን ስህተት ነቅሶ ለማውጣትና የእርምት እርምጃ ለመውሰድ ማመንታት የለብንም፡፡ ከነባር ሥርዓቶች የወረስናቸውን ፀረ ዴሞክራሲያዊ የትዕቢትና የማንአለብኝነት ባሕርያትን አክ እንትፍ እንበላቸው፡፡ ጎዱን፡፡ አብረውን የሚዘልቁ ከሆነም ገና ብዙ ይጎዱናል፡፡ ትዕቢት ሣጥናኤልን ከክብሩ አውርዶታል፡፡ ትዕቢት ተቆጥረው የማያልቁ ምድራውያን ታላላቅ ሰዎችን ከክብር ሥፍራቸው አዋርዷል፡፡ ዝና ይጠፋል፤ ሀብትም ይበናል፤ ማናቸውም ነገር እንዳለ እንደማይቆይ ተረድተን ትህትናንና መከባበርን መላበስ፣ ትዕቢትን መጠየፍ ይኖርብናል፡፡
ዛሬ ሰዎች የወደዱን ለምንድነው ብለንም እንጠይቅ፡፡ የወደዱን ምክንያት አላቸው፤ ያ ምክንያታቸው ግን ሊጠሉን ሲጀምሩ እየደበዘዘ ይሄድና ለመወደዳችን ያወጣነው ወጪና የተነሳንበት ወረት እንደጤዛ እንደሚረግፍ ዕንወቅ፡፡ ዝናን ማትረፍ ከባድም ቀላልም ነው፡፡ ማቆየቱ ግን ሸክም ነው፡፡ ምክንያቱም አንዳንዴ ክፉ መንፈስ እየገባብን የትዕቢትና የትምክህት ልምሻዎች ይኮደኩዱንና ልባችን በውዳሤ ከንቱ ይማስናል፡፡ ያም ልክ እንደጥንቱ የአፈ ታሪክ ንጉሥ ዕርቃናችንን መሆናችን እስከሚረሳን ድረስ ራሳችን ለራሳችን በምንፈጥረው ዓለም ውስጥ እንዳክራለን – ለተወሰነ ጊዜም  በእኛው የዕውር ድንበር ዓለም ውስጥ ሌሎችንም ልናዳክር እንችላለን፡፡ ያኔም እንደገና በተምኔት ከፍ ከፍ እንልና መነሻችንን እንረሳለን – ‹ታሞ የተነሣ ፈጣሪን ረሳ› እንዲሉ ዓይነት፡፡ የምድራችን ትልቁ ችግር እንግዲህ ይህ እዚህ ላይ እያየነው ያለነው ጉዳይ  ነው፡፡ ማንንም አላሰብኩም፤ እናንተም ማንንም ሳታስቡ አጠቃላይ እውነታውን ብቻ ተረዱልኝ፡፡
የኢትዮጵያውያን ችግሮች መባቀያ ደግሞ ይሄው ብቻ እስኪመስል ድረስ ሥር ሰድዷል፡፡ የዚህ ሁሉ ወፈ ሰማይ የፖለቲካ ድርጅት ምሥረታ ምሥጢሩ ብዙ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ ሀገርን ነጻ ማውጣት ሱቅ በደረቴ ንግድ የመጀመር ያህል ቀላል ይመስል ‹እኔ በእገሌ ድርጅት ሥር ገብቼ የነእገሌ ታዛዥና ተላላኪ ልሆን? እነሱ ደግሞ ብለው ብለው የኔ አለቃ ሊሆኑ? አላውቀውምና ነው…› ከሚል ትዕቢት በመነሣት አዳሜ በውጪም በውስጥም የየራሱን ድርጅት ያቋቁማል – ይህም በትንሹ ከንቱነት ነው – እልፍ ሲልም ድንቁርና ነው፤ ይህ ዓይነቱ ጠባብ ጅማሮ ስንዝር ሳይሄድ ይፈርሳል፡፡ ጨዋታው ፈረሰ ዳቦው ተገመሰ ዓይነት የልጆች ዕቃ ዕቃ ጨዋታ፡፡ … ስለሆነም በማንኛውም ዘርፍ ለሀገር እንታገላለን የምንል ወገኖች ትልቁ ጠላታችን ይሄ ትዕቢት የሚሉት ልብ አሳባጭ የክፉ መንፈስ ውላጅ ነውና መድሓኒቱን ገዝተን ወይም ጠበል ቢጤ አስመጥተን አጠገባችን እናስቀምጥ፡፡ ትዕቢት ራሳችን ላይ መውጣቱ ሲሰማን ወይም ሰዎች ሲጠቁሙን ቶሎ ብለን እንዋጥና ወይም እንጠመቅና እንደወያኔ ብዙ ጥፋት ሳናደርስ እንፈወስ፡፡ አለበለዚያ ይህች ሀገር ለረጂም ጊዜ ትሰቃያለች(ያነበብኩትን ወይም የሰማሁትን የትንሣኤ ዘመን ወሻክቼ ባልተጨበጠ ተስፋ የሰውን ሆድ መቀብተት አልፈለግም እንጂ ሁሉም የክፋት ዘመን እንደሚያበቃ ከነምልክቱ ልጠቁም በወደድኩ ነበር፡፡) ለማንኛውም ትዕቢትና ውድቀት ጓደኛሞች መሆናቸውን እንረዳና መፍትሔ እንፈልግ፡፡
3. በሀገር ቤት የ‹ፀረ ሙስናው ትግል› ተጧጡፏል፡፡ እሰዬው ፣ ይጧጧፍ፡፡ በዚህ ሽኩቻ ውስጥ የተረገዘ ሀገርን የሚጠቅም ነገር ይኖረው ይሆናል፡፡ አለበለዚያማ … ቆይማ ቀጣዩዋን ክስ ባጭሩ እንቃኝ፡፡
ኢየሱስን ጠላቶቹ ሊፈትኑት ፈለጉና  አንዲት ሴት ይዘው ወደርሱ በመቅረብ ‹ ኢየሱስ ሆይ፤ ይህቺን ሴት ስታመነዝር አገኘናት፤ በሙሤ ሕግ መሠረት በድንጋይ ተወግራ እንድትሞት ሕጉ ያዝዛል፡፡ አንተስ ምን ትላለህ?› ይሉታል፡፡ ኢየሱስም ‹ከእናንተ ምንም ዓይነት ኃጢኣት ያልሠራ የመጀመሪያውን ድንጋይ ይወርውርባት› ይልና አንገቱን አዘቅዝቆ አፈሩ ላይ ይጫጭር ገባ (ምን እንደጫጫረ እስካሁን አልታወቀም ይባላል፡፡) ቀጥ ሲል ከተከሳሽዋ ሴት በስተቀር ሁሉም አንድ ባንድ ሄደው ማንም የለም፡፡ ‹አንቺ ሴት ከሳሾችሽ ወዴት አሉ?› ብሎ ይጠይቃታል፡፡ ጥለዋት እንደሄዱም ትገልጽለታለች፡፡ … ‹በይ ከአሁን በኋላ ኃጢኣትን አትሥሪ› ብሎም በነጻ ያሰናብታታል፡፡ ከሞት ወደ ሕይወት፣ ከፍርድ ቤት ወደቤት ሄደች እነእስክንድርን የሚያስባቸው ከሰውም ሆነ ከአምላክ ግዛት ጠፋ እንጂ፡፡ በሞራል ትምህርቶች ይህ የክርስቶስ ምሳሌ የሚስተካከለው ያልተገኘ ትልቁ ምሰሶ ነው፡፡ ኃጢኣትን የማይሠራ ማን አለ? ማንም፡፡ ትልቁ መልካም ተስፋ ግና ከኃጢኣት ለመመለስ ያለን የማይገፈፍ መብት ነው፡፡ ይህን መብት ማን ይጠቀምበት? የባከነ መብት! ብዙዎች የናቁት ዘመን የጣለው መብት?
አለበለዚያማ ብዬ ወዳቋረጥኩት ሃሳብ ልመለስ፡፡ አለበለዚያማ ከዝንጀሮ ቆንጆ ተመርጦ አንዱዋ ባሪያ ሌላዋ ሞናሊዛ ሊሆኑ ይቻላቸው ነበርን? እናም የምናውቀውን ሀገራዊ እውነት ስንፈትሸው በወያኔ ሥርዓት ውስጥ ካለሙስና እስትንፋሱ የምትቀጥል አንድም ባለሥልጣን የለም – በየትኛውም መንገድ ይሁን ሙስና ውስጥ መዘፈቁ አይቀርም – በቀጥታም ይሁን በተዛዋሪ፡፡ ሙስና ደግሞ ዓይነቱና መልኩ ብዙ ነው፡፡ ሙስና እንኳንስ በሌሎች መሥሪያ ቤቶች በትምህርት ተቋማትም ሳይቀር ተንሰራፍቶ የማለፊያ ነጥብን ለማሟላት በዓይነት ከሚቀርብ የንብረትና የወሲብ ጉቦ አንስቶ እስከገንዘብ ድረስ ለመምህራንና ለትምህርት ባለሙያዎች እንደሚሰጥ በስፋት ይነገራል – ከዚህ በላይ የሀገር ሞት የለም፡፡ ሙስና እንኳንስ በዓለማዊ የሥልጣን ቦታዎች በሃይማኖት ተቋማት ሳይቀር የወረርሽኝ ያህል ተስፋፍቶ አነስተኛ ገቢ ካለው ደብር ከፍተኛ ገቢ ወዳለው ደብር ለመዛወር፣ እልቅና ለማግኘት፣ በክህነት አገልግሎት ለመቀጠርና ለአነስተኛ የዝውውር ጥያቄዎች በሺዎች የሚገመት ብር እንደሚከፈል እንሰማለን – ከዚህ በላይ የሞራል ዝቅጠት የለም፡፡ ሙስና በቤተ መንግሥት ይቅርና በገዳማትና በአብያተ ክርስቲያን ሳይቀር የዘመኑ ፋሽን በሆነበት ሁኔታ ድንገት ተነስቶ እገሌንና እገሊትን ማሠር ከጎኑ ሌላ የቦካ ቂም መኖሩን ከማመልከት ባሻገር እንዲያም ሲል በቧልታይ ድንቃይ የልጆች ኮሜዲነት ከማሣቅ በተጓዳኝ ሌላ የሚሰጠው ትርጉምም ሆነ ሀገራዊ ፋይዳ የለውም፡፡ እንትን ላይ ተቀምጦ እንትን ገማኝ አይባልም፡፡ ያለሙስና የሚንቀሳቀስ የመንግሥት ባለሥልጣን አለ ማለት መኖር ያቆመ ባህታዊ ሕዝብንና ሀገርን በቅንነት ለማገልገል ቆሎና ደረቅ ዳቦ እየቀመሰ በመንግሥት ሥራ ላይ ተሰማርቷል ማለት ነው፡፡ የፀረ ሙስና ኮሚሽን በተቋቋመ ማግሥት ቢሮውን በቁሣቁሶች ለማሟላት ገበያ የወጣው የግዢ ሠራተኛ ራሱ በሙስና እንደተያዘ በወቅቱ ሰምተናል፡፡ ሙስና የጊዜያችን የኑሮ ማጣፈጫ ቅመም ነው፡፡ ማንም ያለርሱ አይኖርም፡፡ እንኳን ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ አሜሪካና አውሮፓም ውስጥ ሙስናን ዝምቡን እሽ የሚለው የለም፤ ተንቀባርሮ ይኖራል፡፡ ታየኝ እኮ ‹የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ባለሥልጣናቱን በሙስና ወንጀል ጠርጥሮ አሠረ!› ሲባልና ሲነገር – ወግ ነው ሲዳሩ ማልቀስ፡፡ እንዲያው ጥቂት አያፍሩም ጎበዝ?!  የሙስና እናት ባለችበት ሀገር እንዲህ መደረጉ ሕዝብን መናቅ ይመስለኛል፡፡ 80 ሚሊዮኑን ሕዝብ እንደምን ቢቆጥሩት ይሆን? ወይ ጊዜ!
4. የኑሮ ውድነቱ ሕዝቡን እየጨረሰው ነው፡፡ የዕቃዎች ዋጋ በየቀኑ እየጨመረ ብዙ ሰው በሚለብሰው ሳይሆን ቀምሶት በሚያድረው ወይ በሚውለው መጨነቅ ከያዘ ቆዬን፡፡ በተቃራኒው ወደወያኔው ጉያ የተሸጎጡ በርካታ ዜጎች በተለይ በአሥራዎቹና በሃያዎቹ የሚገኙ ገና በቅጡ ያልባለቁ ወጣቶች ገንዘቡን እንዴት እንደሚያገኙት በማይታወቅ ሁኔታ ሌት ከቀን ሲምነሸነሹ ይታያሉ፡፡ ዊስኪና ድራፍት ቤቶች፣ ሥጋ ቤቶችና ሌሎች ንግድ ቤቶች ገዢ አጥተው አይከስሩም፡፡ የወያኔዎቹ ልጆች ብዙዎቹ ትምህርት ስለማይገባቸው  አቋርጠው ሌት ከቀን ጭፈራ ላይ ናቸው፤ ከወያኔዎቹ በርካታዎቹ  ትምህርት ዋጋ አለው ብለው ራሳቸው ስለማያምኑ በልጆቻቸው ስም በሚሊዮን የሚቆጠር ገንዘብ በባንክ እያስቀመጡላቸው ለአካለ መጠን እስኪደርሱላቸው በዱርይነት ተሠማርተው እንዲኖሩ ፈቃደኞች የሆኑ ይመስላሉ – የ14 እና 15 ዓመት ዕድሜ የወያኔ ኩታራ ልዩ ኢግዝኪዩቲቭ መኪና ይዞ ሃሽሽና ሲጋራ እየማገ በጭፈራ ቤት ሲደንስ እንደሚያድር እሰማለሁ – በዚህ ዙሪያ ራሴ የማውቃቸው ብዙ ጉዳዮችም አሉኝ፡፡ (ውድ ኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ፡- ስለነበረከትና ሰዓረ ልጆች፣ ስለአምባሳደር ጎይቶምና ስለሌሎቹም ዋልጌ ልጆች እየተከታተልክ ብትጽፍልን ልጠቁምህ፡፡)
እርግጥ ነው ብዙዎቹ ወያኔዎች ትዳራቸው የፈረሰና በሞራላዊ ሕይወታቸው ከላይ እስከታች የተበሳበሱ በመሆናቸው ለልጅ አስተዳደግም እንደዚሁ ተገቢውን ቦታ የሚሰጡ አይደሉም፡፡ በዚያም ምክንያት ይመስላል የሕዝብ እርግማን ተጨምሮበት ልጅ እንዳይወጣላቸውና እነሱም ሽንታቸውም ባክነው እየቀሩ የሚገኙት፡፡ ሚስቱን ያልቀየረ ነባር ታጋይ ማግኘት ይከብዳል ይባላል፡፡ አሮጊቶቹን እየጣሉ ሕጻናትን ማግባትና በየቦታው ቅምጥ ማስቀመጥ በነሱ ዘንድ የተለመደ ነው፡፡ ለልጆቻው ገንዘብን ለማውረስ ባንኮችን በብር ከማጨናነቅ ውጪ ለአብራካቻው ክፋዮች የሚሆን ፍቅር የላቸውም ይባላል፡፡ እነሱም ልጆቻቸውም ያልታደሉ፡፡
በአሁኑ ወቅት ልጆቻቸው የሚይዙት መኪና ሌላ ነው -  የሚመነዝሩት ረብጣ ረብጣውን ነው፡፡ ሴት ሲያሳድዱ ደግሞ አባቶቻቸውን ያስንቃሉ፡፡ እንደሸሚዝ ነው የሚለዋውጡ ይባልላቸዋል – ዱሮውንስ ያልዘሩት መች ይበቅላል? የወያኔ ቡችሎችና ተለጣፊዎች የሚያሽቃንጡባቸው ተሸከርካሪዎችም ልዩና ውድ ናቸው – የባሕርይ ምስስላቸውም እንከን አይወጣለትም፡፡ ዋጋቸው በብዙ መቶ ሺዎች ምናልባትም በሚሊዮኖች የኢትዮጵያ ብር የሚገመቱ መኪናዎች ሲርመሰመሱ ለማየት ከአውሮፓና አሜሪካ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ መምጣት ሳያስፈልግ አይቀርም፤ ለአንድ ሺህ ሰው ሦስት መኪናዎች ብቻ በሚሰላባት ሀገር ውስጥ እነዚሁ ጥቂት መኪኖች ባብዛኛው የተያዙት በወያኔ ጭፍራዎችና በመንግሥታዊና ግላዊ ድርጅቶች ነው፡፡ ሀገራችን የለየላት የዕንቆቅልሽ ምድር ሆናለች፡፡ አንዱ የሚቀምሰው አጥቶ በጠኔ ሲያጣጥር ታያለህ – አንዱ ጥጋት ላይ፡፡ ሌላው ሐመርን በመሳሰሉ ዘመናዊ መኪናዎች እየተንፈላሰሰ  በሺዎች በሚቆጠር ብርና ዶላር የሌሊት ክበባትን ሲያደምቅ ታያለህ – በሌላው ጥጋት፡፡ በአንድ እጅ ጣቶች የሚቆጠሩ የጥቂት ሺህ ብር ደመወዝተኛ ባለሥልጣናት ትላልቅ ሆቴሎች ውስጥ ገብተው በቁርጥና በዊስኪ ሲዝናኑና ለአንድ ጊዜ የመገባበዣ ክፍያ የሦስትና የአራት ወር ደሞዛቸውን ድምር ሒሳብ ከፍለው ሲወጡ የምታየው ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ነው፡፡ በዚህ አግራሞትህ ላይ ሌላ አግራሞትን እንድትደርብበት ያህል – እነዚሁ ባለሥልጣናት በማታው የቴሌቪዥን ዜና ላይ በሃሳብ ያልተስማሙዋቸውን ሌሎች ባለሥልጣናትን በሙስና ማሰራቸውን የምትሰማውና በለበጣ የምትስቀው እዚህችው ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ነው፡፡ ለጉድ የፈጠራት የደም ምድር አትልም? ቃየሎች በአቤሎች ላይ የሰለጠኑባት አስገራሚ ኢትዮጵያ!
የዱሮና ዘንድሮን ልዩነት በቃላት እንኳን ለመግለጽ እየከበደን ነው፡፡ የዐርባ ብር ደሞዝተኛ ዱሮ ቤት መሥራት ይችል ነበር፡፡ የአራት ሺህ ብር ደሞዝተኛ ዛሬ ቤት ተከራይቶ እንኳ መኖር ይከብደዋል፡፡ ዛሬ መቶ ሊትር ቤንዚን በሚቀዳበት ገንዘብ ዱሮ ሁለትና ሦስት አሮጌ መኪና ይገዛበት ነበር፡፡ የዛሬ የአንድ ኩንታል ጤፍ ዋጋ ዱሮ ወደ 60 ኩንታል ገደማ ይገዛበት ነበር፡፡ ዘንድሮ ለሐኪም ቤት ካርድ ማውጫ ብቻ የምትከፍለው ገንዘብ ዱሮ መላ ቤተሰብህን ሊያሳክም የሚችል ነበር፡፡ ዱሮ በስሙኒ የምትገዛው 12 ዕንቁላሎች የሚመረቁልህ ሙክት ዶሮ ዛሬ ከነዕንቁላቹ (200 ሲደመር 36) 236 ብር ደርሷል – ነገ ደግሞ ከዚህ ሊያጥፍም ይችላል፡፡ ዘንድሮ ቤትህን ለማደስ የምታወጣው አሥር ሺህ ብር ዱሮ አሥር አነስተኛ ቪላዎችን ሊያሠራህ ይችል ነበር፡፡ በሞራልም፣ በሃማኖትም፣ በሥነ ምግባርም… በሁሉም ዘርፍ ብትቃኝ የደረስንበት የኪሣራ መጠን በምንም ዓይነት ምድራዊ መሣሪያ ሊለካ የማይችልና ለማንሰራራትም ከተዓምር በታች በመፍትሔነት የማይታሰብበት አሳሳቢ ወቅት ላይ እንገኛለን፡፡ በቃኝ፡፡
የርዕሶምን ያን ሕይወት አለምላሚ ዘፈን እባካችሁን ላኩልኝ፡፡