OROMO WOMEN NATIONAL UNION FOR LIBERATION (OWN-UL)

August 21, 2013

Introduction

Due to the harsh and increasing oppression of the Ethiopian government; the social, political and economical problems has reached an unprecedented level in the country. As a prime target and ongoing victim of genocide, the Oromo people have to double its effort in stepping up its struggle. Taking in to account the aforementioned facts; we the Oromo Women from all corners of Oromiya, have decided to stand together and deliver our responsibility in addressing the pressing human right issues of our people under the name and logo indicated above.

1. Whereas, the government act of unjustified imprisonment under terrorism law, exiling and killing of citizens demanding human right issues are intolerable;
2. Whereas, it has become important to document and expose the successive Ethiopian government horrendous crime against Oromo women;
3. Whereas, societal problems of unemployment and cost of living are unbearable and increasingly severe by the day
4. Whereas, the Oromo are left with no other option but to step up its struggle to achieve the right to self determination for the Oromiya and other nations in the country,
5. Whereas, it is necessary to work in an organized manner to build on the ongoing  contribution of Women in the Oromo struggle for self determination and freedom and to learn from other nations who achieved their goal;
6. Whereas, it is crucial to air the voice of the Oromo and other oppressed nations suffering under the brutal EPRDF government, to the international communities through medias;
7. Whereas, it has become an urgent matter to put the facts straight and counter the false propaganda of the government about the Oromo which has recently been intensified to crush the struggle of our people,
8.  Whereas, it has become necessary to stand with “National Youth Movement for Freedom And Democracy, QEERROO” and to organize the share of women in this effort
9. Whereas, the ongoing environmental destruction, displacement, imprisonment, exiling, killing and genocide against the Oromo and other oppressed nations in the country has necessitated an organized counter offensive against the oppressor.

Accordingly, to play our role in the ongoing struggle, we hereby declare the establishment of our union. By enhancing the performance of this organization and partnering with other like minded groups, we vow to struggle for our cause and declare our readiness to pay any sacrifice it may take.
We will realize our struggle and our right!!!
Victory for the Oromo!!!
Oromo Women National Union for Liberation
July11, 2013
 
Oromo Women National Union for Liberation                        Email: hawine342@gmail.com

CALL FOR A PEACEFUL PROTEST AGAINST THE TYRANNY IN OROMIA

Human Rights are Universal and indivisible! 

Call for a Peaceful Protest against the Tyranny in Oromia

Over the past 21 years, the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF)-led and dominated Ethiopian government, has imprisoned tens of thousands of political opposition and citizens, mainly Oromos. As a consequence to the government’s repressive policies, thousands of innocent citizens have been languishing in prisons and secret camps, and many have been and are being severely tortured, deformed and/or killed. Others have been abducted in broad day-light and made to disappear or murdered secretly.
Rampant arrests, unlawful killings, abductions, tortures and other human rights abuses by the Ethiopian government, consistent with the direct experiences of many of us, are documented and confirmed in the annual reports of well-respected human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the US State Department.
Despite these tangible facts of human rights abuses, the Ethiopian government continues receiving billions of dollars of aid money every year. Subsidizing over one third of its budget from foreign aid, Ethiopia has built one of the biggest and best-equipped armies in Africa, while millions of its citizens depend on food aid. In fact, the aid money is used to impose the Tigrayan ethnocentric dictatorship on Oromos and other peoples in an involentary multinational society.
It is frustrating to  witness the  West’s reluctance to use their influence  to effect real change, and even worse to believe the fairy tale of  a human-rights-abusing government, that  claim to be moving on the road to democracy.
While thousands of Oromos and others are languishing in prisons under bogus terrorism charges, the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Mr. Hailemariam Dessalegn, brazenly argued in public that there are were no political prisoners in Ethiopia.
Such blatant misinformation has been the norm within the entire leadership of the TPLF- regime, intended to deceive international donors and allies. Again referring to his inauguration speech, the new prime minister also promised to continue implementing the policies of the late autocratic Prime Minister Meles Zenawi; this, is a clear indication that the new prime minister is under the control of the Tigrayan elite and that he cannot make any reform and democratic changes in the empire-state of Ethiopia.
Observing the painful agony and sufferings of the ordinary people, the political prisoners in particular, and the worsening situation at home, We members of the Oromo Communities and the Union of Oromo Students in Germany, call for a Peaceful Demonstration on 30.08.2013 in Frankfurt am Main, to Protest against the Tyranny of the TPLF-Ethiopian government and earnestly appeal to the German government and its  allies to use their good offices with the Ethiopian government and facilitate the following :

1.  immediate Stop of Financial support to the Dictatorship in Ethiopia
2. immediate stop to Ethnic-Cleansing now underway in Eastern-Oromia’s Anniyya region
3. Unconditional and immediate release of all political prisoners
4.  practical action to promote real democratic changes in the country
5. immediate stop  to Land-grabbing and their restitution to the indigenous owners
6. Immediate implementation of the right of the Oromo and other nations for Self-determination.
7. Respect freedom of Religion and journalism
8. Justice for those criminally murdered in Arsi – Kofele and all Parts of Oromia

Union of Oromo Students in Germany
HOB
HOMN

Commentary on the current status of Afan Oromo in Gimbi town, West Oromia

By Gigsa Tesso | August 21, 2013

Gimbi town is an  administrative centre of West Wallaga Zone of Oromia. Presently, Gimbi is one of the relatively populous cities in Wallaga next to Nekemte with the estimated total population over 40,000.The residents of the town are more or less Oromo but there are few non-Oromo people. Most of the non-Oromo residents of the town  do speak Oromo language unless they avoid its usage  because they failed to recognize that language is a tool.  In Gimbi town, most strategic sites are controlled by non-Oromo businessmen who have had special privileges to enjoy in the successive regimes. The town is also remembered by the systematic  elimination emerging Oromo businessmen  like Esayas Dime, owner of Waliya Hotel, who was gunned down in the early  1990s.

I had the chance to visit the town last summer. In the town, unemployment was rampant and so many daily laborers were  underpaid. I also observed touching issues which motivated me to write this  commentary. Because Gimbi is a rural Oromia town, there is a high  probability  for the inhabitants  in the town to speak Oromo language, even if they may be ethnically not Oromo. Unfortunately, however, I found that it is  very difficult to get any form service in the town in Afan Oromo. Because I was expected  to travel to different  districts of West Wallaga region, I took accommodation in the town during my stay in the zone.  So I had to visit  hotels and restaurants. When  I requested waiters/ waitresses  to get service in Oromo, I recognized that majority of them were not speakers of Afan Oromo or they had no  interest to  speak the language. Astonished by this fact, I decided to walk around the town to have a general picture to recognize what was going on. I eventually realized that in the town, there is an attempt to avoid speaking and using of Afan Oromo. One of the strategies used to implement this sordid   plan is  hiring waitresses  and waiters who are not familiar with  or  not willing to speak Afan Oromo. This means that because you do not have any alternative, you are forced to speak Amharic to get the services you want to be rendered to you. The second is by systematically avoiding  the use of Afan Oromo in written advertisement like billboard or by misuse. Of course this problem is not only in Gimbi town.  For example, no single logo of university in Oromia is  written in Oromo Language whereas universities in Amhara or Tigray region use their respective regional language on their logos. The following logos of universities have great message to tell us about  how administrative organs of universities in Oromia are incapable to empower Afan Oromo.

In most cases, Afan Oromo is written just for nominal and one cannot read and understand most of the writings without  using magnifying glasses. For example, one can understand  from Cheru Bar and Restaurant  which is known by its notorious use of Afan Oromo. This restaurant is situated on  the two storey building owned by Gimbi municipality, located in front of West Wallaga Zone OPDO (Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization) head office. In the first place, it is not clear why Gimbi municipality gave a person with anti-Oromo sentiment the privilege to  lease  the  building   or failed to advice him to behave in accordance with the law of the country. According to the currently functioning constitution of the country, Afan Oromo is a  legal language in Oromia and in any business poster in the region, it should come as a primary language. The other manifestation of  anti-Afan Oromo sentiment in Gimbi town is that most shopkeepers have no interest to speak Oromo language.  In the summer of 2012, I got the chance to  travel to Gimbi town with an elder who  wanted to buy some corrugated iron sheets for his rural house. The elder asked  one of  the shopkeepers “meeqaa qorqoroon kun balleen tokkon isaa” (literary means how much is the price of one corrugated  iron sheet?). The shopkeeper looked at him and replied “ante yemitilehun ala’ukim, le antem alshetim”(which literary means I do not know what you are talking about, even I am not going to sell to you).It  appears  that the guy was  familiar with Afan Oromo because he responded that he  had  no interest to sell his iron  sheets. Nothing is as disgraceful as  hearing a person who refuses  to use a language he/she is familiar with as a medium of communication  for his/her  own  business  in the twenty-first century.  This is a great reminder for all concerned Oromos  about the long journey ahead of us.  I would like to conclude  my commentary citing quotation  of  Dr. Maxwell Maltz  which goes as“My greatest point is my persistence. I  never  give up in a match. However down I am, I fight until the last ball. My list of matches shows that I have turned a great many so-called irretrievable defeats into victories.”

Truth triumph!

Of-Keessatti Amantaa Dhabuu Irraan Mootummaan Wayyaanee Oromoota poolisoota federaalaa fi Finfinnee kanaannee ta’an hidhuu eegale

Hagayya 19,2013 Finfinnee

Dhiibbaan mootummaa wayyaanee ilmaan Oromoo irratti xiyyeeffannoo addaan kennamaa kan turee fi itti jiru daran jabaachuun yeroo ammaa wal diigumsaa fi wal amantamummaa keessa mootummaadhaa dhabameen poolisootni Finfinnee magaala Finfinnee keessaa ilmaan oromoo tahan mana hidhaatti ukkaamsamaa jiran. Haalli kun daran hammaachaa kan dhufe yoommuu tahu ilmaan Oromoo poolisii federaalaa keessaa hojjetan magaala Dirree Dawaa fi Adaamaas qorannoo hamaan rakkifamaa jiran. Ilmaan Oromoo

1. Shibbiruu Mulataa magaala Finfinnee irraa Poolisii magaala Finfinnee

2. Barasaa Qixxeessaa poolisii magaala Finfinnee

3. Jamaal Muhee poolisii federaalaa irraa

4. Alamuu Taaddasaa poolisii federaalaa magaala Finfinnee

Keessaa mana hidhaa mootummaa Wayyaaneetti naqamuun dhiibbaan qaamaa fi haamilee cabsaa irratti gaggeeffamaa kan jiru yoommuu tahu, isin miseensota ABO dha jedhamuun reebamuu fi qoratamuu irratti argamu. Mootummaan wayyaanee keessa isaa amantamummaa dhabuun dhiibbaan inni gaggeessu dhumaatii bara bittaa isaa kan mirkansu tahuu kan ibsan ilmaan Oromoo poolisii federaalaa fi Finfinnee daran qabsoo jabeessuun akka itti fufan qeerroof ibsanii jiran.

A False Sense of Glory

By Kallacha Dubbi | August 20, 2013

A false sense of glory within the Ethiopian Diaspora politics is in the rise.  This false sense of glory could be measured as a newborn emotion promoting the old Amhara-centric Ethiopian ethos by using the growing Diaspora media.  In this old ethos, ironically, Amhara-centered Ethiopia is uniquely perceived and promoted as the only answer to Ethiopia’s historic problems including Oromos and other peoples of Southern Ethiopia.  By Amhara-centered Ethiopia, we understand a country whose socio-politics and culture is dominated and represented by that of one ethnic group, the Amhara.  Since this recent political puff is strictly Diaspora based, the accompanying success on the home ground is miniscule.  The ethos is also unique in that it tolerates no discourse with opposing views, and in some sense, one can say it is an art of blowing one’s own horn for one’s own pleasure.

As mentioned above, this recent sense of false glory is geographically restricted to Diaspora, popularly limited to Amhara, and meaningfully transferred only by Internet media.  In essence it is revival of the classical Amhara colonial machinery which once many of the Ethiopian South believed was dead for good.  In fact, such assumption was the basis for many Oromo and Southern political organizations to attempt creating some sort of unity with some Amhara political organizations.  Recall the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy of 2006, created by the oppressor and the oppressed to work together towards peace and prosperity?  At the time, many analysts of the South including Oromos warned that Amhara politics has never reciprocated honesty of the South, and that intrigue-infested Northern Ethiopian politics shall never be trusted.  Today, we see a full blown version of Amhara trickery, another historic lesson for the Southern people of Ethiopia.

As examples of such trickery, one can list numerous circumstances in which pseudo TVs, websites, Paltalks, and virtual radio stations all catered for North American Amhara Diaspora saturated their mass media with anti-Oromo slogans.  One case in point is Ethiopian Satellite Television’s (ESAT) role in expanding the split within the OLF.  One of the brain child’s of Ginbot 7 (a leading Ethiopian Diaspora based opposition political organization), ESAT, had been posturing as pro-Oromo, wanting to work with Oromo institutions, and even at times posting sympathetic views to the cause championed by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).  However, when a conflict emerged within the OLF, ESAT and Ginbot 7 launched a tacit but protracted and persistent effort of expanding the split.  Mini-conferences were organized with the splinter group, personal cults were created to appease individuals of the splinter group, fundraising was posted in several cities, political high-fives were exchanged among the leadership, support for the splinter group that they perceived can be remote-controlled ensued, and another hopeful day was promised by ESAT for generous donors so that they donate even more funds.  We couldn’t believe our eyes, the good will, the preparation to work together with Oromo scholars to topple the Tigrean domination, etc. all evaporated by the heat of a simple gain of the day, forgetful that the loss of the day for Oromo is sheer temporary.  The joy of happiness for Ginbot 7 as a result of accomplishing what they thought was a lasting collapse of Oromo nationalism shined for months as Oromo nationalism posed for soul searching but in bitter grief.

It is to be recalled that the Amhara political ethos did suffer a serious political blow over the last 20 years.  This temporary Amhara political puff of the Diaspora is serving as a sign of short-term come-back, a renaissance of some sort to boost Amhara moral which could be exported back to homeland when and if possible, to conceivably gear-up for another attempt to grab Ethiopian political power during the next national elections.  So far I covered the background, but what really motivated and created this false sense of glory?

There are four reasons that contributed to the sudden emergence of the current Amhara political surge among the Abyssinian Diaspora.

1. The death of Meles, – many in the Amhara camp believed that the death of Meles will create a true political vacuum which can only be filled by Amharas, who seem second most organized in the country.  The orderliness of the power transfer within the TPLF was a bit surprising if not disappointing to the Diaspora political gang that hoped a short cut to power is coming and coming fast.  This false hope created a false victory that went as far as a concealed ownership of even Meles’ natural death.
2. The rise of Paltalk, – the free access to internet, which can gather hundreds of emotionally charged unqualified and ill-equipped politicians from across Europe, America and more, with freedom that allows excessive abuse, yet with no liability or peer pressure, no inherent discipline, and all afforded by anonymous login to Paltalk sites or commentary pages created a sense of accomplishment.  In fact the competition for the negative, towards destruction, – who can be the most Amhara, the most Ethiopian, who can post the most insult to annoy opposition, etc. characterize the sense of newfound Amhara false glory in its internet incarnation.  The net effect of this Diaspora politics is that while it continues to serve as a great forum for counseling Ethiopia’s war torn generation of the Derg era, it has become a terrible means to promote respect and peace.  The sheer volume of participants and the nature of unchecked abuses have nonetheless given a false sense of success despite what really is politically accomplished is nothing but hate and anarchy.  The role of internet in the Arab revolutions cheated Amhara Diaspora into thinking that they too can create an internet-driven revolution, with some color mimicking the Ukrainian unrest.  Unable to craft its own strategy, there is evidence that Amhara Diaspora politics attempts to write the entire new chapter of Ethiopian history strictly using “cut and paste” approach of pre-owned and extraneous techniques that don’t fit the prevailing situation in the country.  Simply put, Paltalk for Ethiopian politics is becoming matches in the hands of a child.
3. The attack on Moslem institution in Ethiopia, – classically Amhara dominated Ethiopian governments always kept control of religious leadership who were considered too important to be left alone.  Haile Sellasie regained his throne which he almost lost during the failed coup of 1960 when the Bishop excommunicated the coup followers.  Menelik waged wars with religious leaders and with a mobile church.  In fact, as recent as early 1970s, the government collected tax on behalf of and for the Orthodox Church, nothing for the Moslem Ethiopia.  Often times the church leaders were picked by the government, and the Christian followers were forced to accept.  In all such cases Ethiopian political leaders also were Christians, and the choice of Orthodox leadership was perceived as internal for the Christian Ethiopia, so much that that the Moslems didn’t interfere.  The system also allowed the Moslem population to choose its own leadership, but Moslems had limited access to Ethiopian politics.  Emperors like Yohannes simply disallowed any political leader to be a Moslem, and those who refused to change their religion to Christianity were punished by death.  The recent TPLF interference with Moslem elections should be looked at within these historic trends.  The TPLF’s action of posting Moslem leaders for the Moslem people shifted the focus of Ethiopian political discourse from primarily inter-ethnic to primarily government vs. Moslem.  The primary short-term beneficiary of this manufactured conflict is the TPLF, whereas the primary victims will be Oromos.  The long-term losers will however be all the people of Ethiopia.  Here again, the transient situation favors the Amhara who by and large sided with the government by way of religious solidarity.  The Amharas blame the TPLF for starting the fire, but they also sympathize with the Tigrean government whose religion they share.  There is a long shared sense of Ethiopian ethos by Amharas and Tigreans, that Moslem religion followers of Ethiopia are less than full Ethiopians.  This ally formation and the welcome the Amharas received from Tigrean clergy on this common and uniting agenda gave Amhara loyalists a sense of false victory.
4. The disintegration of Oromo political organizations, – the most important of all reasons seems to be the weakness of Oromo and Southern political organizations, the absence of a serious check against wild ambitions and foul plays of the Amhara as well as Tigrean politicians.  This obvious point warrants no further details.

The culmination of these four main vectors merged to create a false moral of Amhara Diaspora, a false sense of victory over Ethiopian politics, but without a shred of tangible victory.  The astray moral boosted on a fake ground became just as intolerant as the Ethiopia of the emperors which wanted to forge one language, one culture, and one people in one country.  Such intolerance was demonstrated in reaction to a recent Aljazeera interview with a young Oromo who was asked if he is an Oromo first, or an Ethiopian first.  The young Oromo answered that he is an Oromo first.  The false sense of victory reached its climax when a large number of Amhara Diaspora media converged on the young Oromo condemning him for claiming to be an Oromo ahead of being an Ethiopian.  They unleashed incredible attacks through multitude of Medias; – angry letters and petitions went to Aljazeera for airing the view.

I end my note with a sense of pleasure from knowing that this false sense of glory is sure to dry soon.  And I am Kallacha Dubbi, I am an Oromo first, an Oromo second, and an Oromo third.  I can be reached at kallachadubbi@yahoo.com.

በኦሮሞ ተወላጆች ላይ እየተወሰደ ያለው የግድያ እርምጃ በወያኔ አንገት ውስጥ የገባውን ገመድ የሚያጠብቅ ነው

Aug 20, 2013 (Qeerroo) — አምባገነኑ የወያኔ ስርአት ርህራሄ ከሌለው እስራቱም አልፎ የኦሮሞን ልጆች እያደነ ይገኛል፡፡ ህወሀት ቅጥረኞቹን ተጠቅሞ በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ የሚያደርገውን ኢሰብአዊ ድርጊት የወጣቶች ንቅናቄ (ቄሮ) በጥብቅ ያወግዘዋል፡፡ በኦሮሞ ወጣቶች ላይ የኦነግ ደጋፊዎች ናችሁ እያለ የሚፈፅመውን ግድያ እና እስራትም እንዲያቆም አጥብቀን እንጠይቃለን፡፡ በቅርቡ በምእራብ ሸዋ አምቦ ከተማ ውስጥ ወጣት ተስፋየ ጉታ የተባለ የኦሮሞ ልጅ ታደሰ በቀለ በተባለ የወያኔ ደህንነት በጥይት የተገደለ ሲሆን ይህ ስቃይ አሁንም እየተባባሰ በመምጣቱ ከ16 በላይ የሚሆኑ ኦሮሞዎች በአርሲ ዞን ኮፈሌ ወረዳ ውስጥ በወያኔ መንግስት ጦር ተገድለዋል፣ ቁጥራቸው ከ200 በላይ የሚሆኑት ደግሞ በእስር ቤት ውስጥ ታፍነው ይገኛሉ፡፡ ከእነዚህም መካከል፡-

1. አደም   ጀማል
2. ሌንጮ   ጂልቻ
3. ሀቢብ    ዋቤ
4. ጋቻኖ    ቱሴ
5. ሙሀመድ ደበል ኡሴ
6. ጀማል/አርሾ አርሲ/
7. ሙሀመድ ኢደኦ
8. አማን    ቡሊ
9. ሙሀመድ ሀሰን
10. ረሺድ    ቡርቃ
11. አቡሽ    ኢብራሂም
12. ማሙሽ   ኢብራሂም እና
13. ቱኬ በሶ

የተባሉትን  ወጣቶች መንግስት ያለ አንዳች ርህራሄ በጭካኔ ገድሏቸዋል፡፡ ይህ ሁኔታ መንግስት የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ለመጨረስ የከፈተው ዘመቻ አካል በመሆኑ የወጣቶች ንቅናቄ (ቄሮ) ድርጊቱን በአፅንኦት ያወግዘዋል፡፡

የወያኔ መንግስት እየወሰደ ያለው የግድያ እርምጃ የአገዛዝ ዘመኑ እያከተመለት መሆኑን የሚያሳይ ነው፡፡ በምእራብ ወለጋ ጃርሶ ወረዳ ውስጥ የወያኔ የደህንነት ሀይሎች ኢፋ ይገዙ የተባለውን ወጣት የኦነግ አባል ነህ በማለት የገደለው ሲሆን በሌሎች 9 ወጣቶች ላይ የመብት ጥያቄ በማንሳታቸው ምክንያት እንደሚገደሉ የመጨረሻ ማስጠንቀቂያ አስተላልፎባቸዋል፡፡ እነሱም፡-

1. ወጣት ደሱ    አለማየሁ
2. ወጣት ፍቃዱ  ቱፋ
3. ወጣት ወንድሙ ጉዳ
4. ወጣት አራርሶ  ቀጀላ
5. ወጣት ገመቺስ  በንቲ
6. ወጣት ቢቂላ   እስራኤል
7. ወጣት ሁሴን   መሀመድ
8. ወጣት አባያ   ባይሳ እና
9. ወጣት ቶሎሳ አለማየሁ

የተባሉት ሲሆኑ በእነዚህ ወጣቶች ላይ የወያኔ መንግስት የግድያ ማስጠንቀቂያ በመስጠት አስከፊ ድርጊቱን እየፈፀመባቸው ይገኛል፡፡ የወያኔ መንግስት እየፈፀመ ያለውን ግድያ፣ እስራት፣ ከትምህርት ገበታ ማፈናቀል እና ኢፍትሀዊ ውሳኔውን ለመጋፈጥ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በጋራ መነሳት እንዳለበት ለነፃነት የሚታገለው ወጣት ሀይል ጥሪውን ያስተላልፋል፡፡ የወያኔ መንግስት ከመቼውም ጊዜ የከፋ ጫና በኦሮሞ ወጣቶች ላይ እያደረሰ መሆኑ ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ነፃነት መጎናፀፊያው ወቅት እየቀረበ መሆኑን የሚያሳይ በመሆኑ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከመቼውም ጊዜ በተሻለ ሁኔታ እጅ ለእጅ ተያይዞ መብቱን መጠየቅ ያለበት አሁን ነው፡፡ የወጣቶች ንቅናቄ(ቄሮ) የወያኔ መንግስት በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ እየወሰደ ያለውን አስከፊ እርምጃ በማውገዝ ማንኛውንም መስዋእትነት ከፍሎ የህዝቡን መብት ለማስከበር እንደሚሰራ ይገልፃል፡፡

ትግሉ ይቀጥላል!!! ድል ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ!!!

የወጣቶች ንቅናቄ(ቄሮ)

ነሀሴ/2013

–Qeerroo

Jiituu Dh. Wakjira exposed political suppression and oppression in her story of love, perseverance, resilience and courage

18 August 2013, (Advocacy for Oromia) —  Jiituu Dhabasa Wakjira was only five years old when Ethiopian security forces took away her father, Dhabasa Wakjira, from their home in April 2004 and nine years old when her mother, Lelisse Wodajo, was arrested four years latter in 2008.
Jiituu understood very little at the time, but remembers missing her father, whom she visited at Ethiopia’s notorious Kaliti prison every weekend – for nearly three years.
On Saturday Aug. 10 2013, Jiitu, 14, described her family’s ordeals, in a heartfelt speech that read much like a movie script, before a captive Oromo and Australian audience.
Exposed to politics, suppression, oppression and loss at a young age, Jiitu’s is a story of love, perseverance, resilience, and courag
The following is a speech written by Jiituu Dhabasa on welcoming night for Lelisse Wodajo, organized by Oromo community on 10/08/2013, Melbourne.

Hello Every One!

As most of you would know, my name is Jitu. I’m 14 years old and today, I’m going to deliver a fairly long speech just to give you an outlook on how happy I am that mom is finally here and to show my gratitude for supporting us. This is my way of taking everyone here back to when everything started.
Every adult in my family has had a rough patch with the Ethiopian government. It’s common knowledge but even I didn’t understand what was happening when the police came to take my dad. Of course, it wasn’t expected of me. I was just 4 or 5 years old. I barely understood math let alone why people were taking my parents.
I can’t explain how I felt. I guess I was scared. I mean, who wouldn’t be? There were these people going through our wardrobes, taking all my favourite videos of Tom and Jerry and even our parents’ wedding tape. I remember sitting on dad’s lap, watching the policemen open wardrobe after wardrobe. My memories of that time were hazy, all I remember is that it was Friday and the next day when I woke up and asked mom where dad was, she said he was, in simple words, gone.
It was a bit weird but we adapted to it. It wasn’t the worst experience but then, at that age, I didn’t even know what experience meant. Mom and I would visit dad every Saturdays and sometimesSundays, we’d bring him food and we’d keep him company while he introduced us to his cellmates. I met a lot of good people there that certainly didn’t deserve to be there.
My dad told me that I once asked “Did you know Qaliti is Oromia’s ‘capital’ city?”
He had asked “why?” to which I replied, “because all Oromo are here. They all speak afaan Oromo.”
I’m guessing I didn’t view it as a prison back then but more like a meeting hall for all Oromo people to converse at.
One of the many traits mom has is dedication. When I think about it now, it’s baffling to know that someone could have the dedication to visit someone every Saturdays and Sundays. I enjoyed the visit, you had to take what you can get but to think, mom made food for dad, she walked from Arat Kilo to the bus stop early in the morning where the weather would have made the warmest man cringe to visit dad until afternoon when the weather was scorching hot. It takes a lot of patience and devotion to do that. I didn’t understand that as a kid. I just thought it was what was expected of me and grew accustom to it so I don’t get any praise.
Three years later, I remember dad being released. It came as a shock. My brother, Bonsen believed that a picture of dad was his dad. When dad came home, he didn’t believe us when we told him that dad was really dad. It took him a while to understand that a picture was incapable of fathering him.
It was a great day. It seemed like everything was getting back to normal. I had dad, mom, Bonsen, everyone and everything I needed until one day, I found out that dad was gone, again. The reaction I had to his second departure was more extreme that the first. Think about it, he was taken first for three years, he came back and then after one month, he was gone. I might have not cried for the first time but I did for the second.
After a few days, weeks, I don’t know how long, mom told me dad was in Kenya and I had to keep it a secret. I was bad at keeping secrets, and I still am but that’s the one secret I managed to keep, well until now. I did get to talk to dad on the phone. The phone calls did make things better. I don’t really remember how I felt back then. I just remember feeling a bit sad. I didn’t understand that he was gone for his own safety, in fact, back then, I preferred the first departure than the second. At least then, I got to see him weekly. Now, I realise it was better for him to be safe and away than in danger and present.
When mom was arrested, I was about 9 and had a better understanding of how things worked. I even have better memories of what happened that day. I had finished exams week and I had just gotten out of the school taxi. I was getting ready to tell everyone exams were over and just relax but instead of that, I saw my mom being carted out in the back of a police car with someone else. She saw me and yelled “I’ll be back,” but you can guess that after seeing the police, I didn’t think so. My life right there and then turned into some kind of action movie because the calm and relaxed person I was then was gone and I was rushing to our house so I could find out what exactly happened.
Bonsen was there and we all know that he spent most of his life with mom. He was so attached to her that he wouldn’t even sleep unless it was on her thigh so you can imagine the state of confusion and sadness within him while mom was taken. I had seen him cry a lot of times before that. I myself have made him cry but seeing him in that state, crying, I felt really protective. I don’t really think I cried because mom was gone but because Bonsen was crying. I just hugged him and cried. That was when I really thought about the situation.
“Who was going to take care of us?” “Where’s mom going?” Those thoughts were going through my head while my hands remained around Bonsen. There was Sena, my sister who was a teenager and couldn’t take care of us without a job, there was my cousin, Debela who was still in University and there was our aunty, Mestawet. I never saw Mestawet as the responsible type back then so I ruled her out as our guardian. As you can see, I was a bit self-absorbed and didn’t even think about mom until it hit me that mom was gone and of course, I pieced it to the other memory of dad being taken away and I just assumed that she was going through the same process as him and I was right.
Luckily, Bontu became our guardian at the time of mom’s departure. She was great. She was just like our mother and she still is. I visited mom with her and my cousin, Debela but because we had Saturday school, I had to visit her on Sundays which resulted in me ignoring Church which made Mestawet angry since she’s a religious person.
Mom was great too. I met a lot of good people there with her. One of the most confusing times was when I saw a child younger than me coming out of the prison inside. I believed that people were arrested because they did something bad and my parents were some kind of exception. Seeing the little girl there was just confusing. I think mom had noticed me staring at the girl because she started distracting me with lollies but to this day, I do not understand why an innocent young girl who was obviously not capable of doing any harm to the government in prison.
When I found out that we were going to be with dad, I felt like I was in a dilemma. I was happy, I mean I was going to see dad but then I was sad too. I was leaving mom. Of course, I didn’t really have much say then. I was going one way or another. It was like a transition, from both parents to mom to both parents and then to none.
Of course, when we arrived in Kenya, I was excited. Meti was waiting for us and I remember Bonsen being really shy towards Meti but as we can see, he’s warmed up to her. The minute we saw dad, it was just a moment of astonishment and shock. You see, when dad was in prison, I used to have a repetitive dream that he wasn’t really in jail but in the wardrobe. Of course, I would wake up and be disappointed after checking the wardrobe. When we saw him at the airport in Kenya, I thought I was dreaming for a few seconds until I actually hugged it.
We didn’t just meet dad though, we met Ayantu who turned out to be our second mom. She had longer hair back then. Nairobi was a good place to be. I didn’t really feel like I was away from home and I had a break from school for roughly about 6 months. I even managed to learn a few words inSwahili then. In Nairobi, I had a better understanding to why my parents were arrested. It turned out they weren’t an exception, they were just Oromo people. I couldn’t get my head around why they were arrested though. Taking pride in one’s country shouldn’t have been a crime. It shouldn’t have been frowned upon; it should be accepted and encouraged.
Of course, Meti and Ayantu had to leave which was pretty sad but soon after, we followed and headed for Adelaide but nothing interesting happened there so fast forward and we were in Melbourne with Meti and Ayantu. Nothing really had changed; we were just in another country. We were good with English and we had adapted quickly.
One faithful day, I was on my netbook doing my Science homework when dad walked in and said ‘Mom was released.’ Honestly, I didn’t believe him because we all know he’s a joker and that I had hiccups and just thought he was trying to shock me out of it. After asking him multiple times if I was joking, he reassured me that she really was released. I started crying in happiness. Her being released was enough to overwhelm me to the point that I started tearing up.
Up until she was released, I didn’t even notice that four years had gone by. I just thought if I put a time on how long she was away, it would have been longer so I avoided the topic of time. I literally said ‘Four years? Wow,” because believe it or not, I actually thought she was away for two years.
After she was released, it was waiting time. A year had passed and she still didn’t have her visa granted so we were trying to fasten the process for her. We talked on the phone and it was great hearing her voice.
This year, before she came, I was doing a research for school and I learnt a few troubling things about the Ethiopian government. It made me fear for her. If they lived by the might makes right code, it was obvious that they had the power to put her back in prison and no one wanted that. It made me more eager for her to be here with us, away from the dictatorship. Every night I would have made a wish for her to be with us, even if it was really childish.
A few weeks ago, we found out that mom’s visa was granted so what was left was just her arrival time. Dad would keep me posted in things that were happening and I would hope the day of arrival was soon. On the 26th of July, my friend and I were watching a trailer to a film-adaptive to one of my favourite books at school, which was coming out on August the 8th. I instantly wondered if what would have happened if mom arrived on the 8th. I don’t know if it was just a coincidence but that night, I told dad about the thought I had and he told me that she was leaving Oromia on the 6th and could arrive on the 8th or 7th.  I literally had a hand-made calendar counting down the days on the back of my school diary and had different scenarios of how I would greet her in my head by the 5th of August.
Everyone was moving around, getting things ready and I was just sitting there with my laptop on my lap wondering how she would look, what she would wear and if she would have been the same. On the 7th, my cousin Abraham sent us a picture of mom and family members at the airport. I just stared at the picture, analysing her clothes so I would remember what she was wearing to find her at the airport. Bonsen’s reaction was priceless. He had yelled out ‘mom!’ when he saw the picture in shock. It was as if he was saying ‘She’s actually coming,’ in a shortened way.
Honestly, I couldn’t sleep until past midnight. It was just to exciting but it turned out not sleeping but a bad idea because we were tired in the morning. Of course, by the time we were in the car, I was excited and practically checking Ayantu’s phone for how many minutes we had left until she arrived.
In the airport, I started getting worried because she was one of the last people to arrive. Our eyes were darting around looking for her until Bontu yelled ‘She’s here’ and they started running towards her. When we reached mom, I saw Bonsen hugging her. It was strange. I just stood there stunned because I couldn’t believe I was standing right next to my mom and that Bonsen was hugging her. Anyone here would know Bonsen doesn’t hug people voluntarily so seeing him hugging her like that was shocking.
I didn’t greet her until I got over the fact that she was there. I did try to stop myself from crying but how could I not? The minute we hugged, my hands were just tight around her neck and I was tearing up. I knew people wanted to greet her too but I didn’t want to let go.
Even thought I was really happy, I was expecting for everything to disappear and everything to turn out to be a dream so my shock just doubled over when it turned out she was in fact really here.
Even though mom is here with us and the missing puzzle to our family was complete, there are still others suffering under the Ethiopian government. There are still parents with children like me suffering and yet putting their children’s safety in front of theirs because the safety of their children is more rewarding than the safety of themselves. It’s like a constant reminder to not be selfish and not to take the things we have here for granted because people are suffering on our behalf back in Oromia. This is why we should treasure our culture and make sure their legacies are continued through us and the future generation. We owe them, I owe them a lot of things and we should never take our freedom here for granted.
I still remember Hawi, Aberash, Faxe, Muda, Mesfin and many others in Ethiopian prison because of their identity, their background and political views. I wish that they could all be here with us away from the dictatorship but they’re not. I really hope one day that we could unite and live life as the big family we are without fear.
Martin Luther King Jr. once said ‘Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed.’ This is the quote I now live my life to. This quote speaks the truth. It’s telling me that sitting down and doing nothing won’t help anyone or anything, we must all do something to help the ones suffering. Ethiopian Government won’t give us the freedom voluntarily we must demand it.
Thank you everyone for supporting us. Your support and dedication motivates me to stand up for our country and Oromo people. One day, I’ll support you with whatever you need support in just like you supported me. I owe you guys and I promise to repay you. I love you all.
Thank you.

–Advocacy for Oromia