Monday, March 31, 2014

OLF Statement on the latest violent clash between Borana and Guji Oromo


abo

Using Bloodshed to perpetuate their Rule- a Standing Policy of Ethiopia’s Rulers.
OLF Statement on the violent clash going on in southern Oromia

Since the violent formation of the Ethiopian empire three generations ago, Oromia and Oromo have been in constant conflict, instability, poverty and ignorance. The violence is applied either directly by the regime or through agents instigating conflict between neighbouring peoples or even tribes. Oromia and Oromo, who happen to be the main base of this empire, have borne the brunt of this violence.
Oromo suffered shocking extermination and mutilation, including severing of males’ limbs and females’ breasts, for resisting the imperial conquest. They were disfranchised of their land and dehumanized by reducing them to serfs and distrusting them, along with their dispossessed lands, to serve the victor militia forming the “neft’egna” (arms-bearer’s) system. Conflict was instigated with all the neighbours projecting Oromo as threats so that they would never think of resisting any more. Thus Oromo has to pay sacrifice in lives and property simply because of the possibility of being a threat in the future.
The current Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) regime, that usurped the power in 1991, is a good mirror of the successive regimes of Ethiopia in executing this policy. Under the pretext of development it evicted tens of thousands of Oromo from their ancestral land to sell to rich companies and enrich themselves. It dismissed hundreds of Oromo youth from higher education institutes and put them in jail under flimsy excuses for constant torture, to deprive Oromo of native intellectuals. Countless Oromo have disappeared; tens of thousands have fled their country.
The regime has intensified conflict-instigation between neighbouring peoples and Oromo by arming elements from the other side and presenting itself as a mediator. The case of such elements from Somali, Gumuz, Geede’o, Burji and Afar, with the neighbouring Oromo is a vivid example. They even applied the same policy between Oromo’s own tribes. The latest of such a case is the conflict that is going on between Boran and Guji Oromo tribes in the South.
This conflict, that has been instigated by agents of the regime and is going on for days, has claimed about one hundred lives and considerable property. It is obvious that the regime can stop this immediately has it not been a party to it. There is no better evidence than this for the relation of enmity between this regime and the Oromo people.
The OLF expresses its deepest grief at this conflict and holds responsible and condemns the TPLF regime for instigating and perpetuating it. The OLF calls the Oromo elders, intellectuals and youth to be aware of this enemy schemes to weaken the Oromo unity and discharge their national traditional duty by intervening to immediately stop this conflict and reconcile those involved.
Vicroty to the Oromo people!
Oromoo Liberation Front
March 31, 2014

Dur dur, ilmoolee qeerransaafi re’eetu walitti michi jedhama

Hiriyaa malee michanii – Geggeessaa malee galan.
Jiituu Lammii
Dur dur, ilmoolee qeerransaafi re’eetu walitti michi jedhama. Guyyaa guuyyaa waliin taphataa oolanii galgala gara gara warra isaaniiti galu. Gaaf kaanittiin qeerransi “…har’a eessa oolte….?” Jettee ilmoo ishee gaafannaan, ilmoonis eenyu waliin akka oolte tokkoo lamaan itti himti. Gaafa kana haati hedduu aartee “…kana booda yoo isaan argite toftaan ittisiqii qabii nyaadhu…!” jettee gorsiti. Akkuma kana edaa haatii re’ees mucaan ishii eenyu waliin akka ooltu waan barteef, “… ilaa yaa mucaa koo, diinni hamaan sanyii keenya lafarra fixaa jiru warra kanaa, lamuu fuullee jara sanaatti hinbayiin.…” jechuun jabeessitee akeekkachiifte.
Gaaf kaanittiin ilmoon qeerransaa barii kaatee, fuulleetti baatee, “…yaa ijoollee kaleessaa…. Koottaa nitaphannaa…” jettee sagalee jabaadhaan waamte. Ilmaan re’ees dursanii dubbii jiru waan baraniif, “… isa haatee sii malte… keenyas haati nuu malteettii… nagaatti… nagaattii…!!” jedhaniin jedhama. Warri wal dhagahu, warri mala waliif himu akkasiin badiirra wal oolfata. Gara dubbii koottan darba.
Bara 2002, xalayaa seena qabeessa tokkotu mata duree ‘A¼S yìN LÐ{ nN!?’ jedhuun magaala Finfinnee keessatti Gamtaa barattoota Oromoon qaamolee adda addaatiif faca’e. Yerichatti walitti bu’insa barattoota Tigreefi Oromoo gidduutti ta’e tumsuuf komaandoon waraanaa ‘Aashawu’ jedhamu, kan dantaa saba tokkoo qofa tiksuuf dhabbate mooricha cabsee seene. Humni kuni dogoggoree ilmaan saba isa akka hinmiine keettoo fuulaafi maqaa ilaaltee “YU y¼ nW! ¶ y¼ aYdlM!” jettee sanyiin gargar footu of fuulduraa qaba ture. Akka kanaan ilmaan Oromoo sanyiin warra kaanirraa fooyamanii miidhaa guddaan irraa gahe. Maarree, ilmaan Oromoo haala kana ilaalan “ Nutoo ilmaan eenyuti!?” yoo kaammoo akka jaarri jedhanitti ‘…A¼S yìN LÐ{ nN…’ jechuun gaaffii murteessaa tokko gaafatan. Barattoonnii kun deebii gaaffii kanaa wallaalaniit miti. Eenyu akka ta’an of beeku. Saba isaaniis, biyya isaaniis, seenaa-aadaa isaaniisi qajeellootti beeku. Garuu waatokkotu hafe. Nama gaaffii kana of gaafatee barbaadee of arguun ittijirutu ture. Jara kana fakkeenya ho’aa kanaan dhugaa jiru ittihimanii ofitti akka deebi’an taasisuu akeekkatan. Dhugumattuu gaaffiin kun yerichatti balbala namoota hedduu seene. Warri gaafficha of gaafatanii deebii argachuun lafa salphinaatii bahan amma hinqaban. Warri dubbichatti dugda galalanammoo gaafa ormi balbala itticufatee bineensatti gadi hari’u, seenaarraa deebii argataniiru.
Firoottan kiyya, “Nuti ilmaan eenyuuti!?” Haala ittijirruufi keessa jirruun otoo hindaangeffamne miira walaba ta’een gaaffii kanaaf deebii haqaa keennuu danda’uu qabna. Gaaffii kana yoo deebifne lafa oolluufi abbaa waliin oollu beekna. Ulfina keessaatti of tiksina. Dubbii kana dagachuun ykn. gurra kennuufii dhiisuun karaa malee nama offee akka malee gatii nama baasisa. Ilmaan Oromoo hedduun kana dagachuun bakka isaaniif hinmallee of dhaabanii karra ormaa duratti salphataniiru. ‘Lallaba gowwaa firatu qaana’a.’ akkuma jedhan nullee seenaa isaaniitti qaana’uun keenya hinoolle. Dhiyeenya kana nama yeroo baay’ee dhimma Oromoo dubbachuun beekamu tokkotu waa’ee Oromoof seenaa Itoophiyaa mari’achuuf Raadiyoo Sagalee Ameerikaa, Sagantaa Afaan Amaaratti warra Itoophiyummaa gateettii ormaarratti ijaarrachuu baran waliin “marii” yoo taasisu dhagaheen seenaa warra hiriyaa malee michee geggeessaa malee galee kaasuuf dirqame. Orma baroota dheeraaf saba Oromoo tuffachaa ture fuuldura dhaabatanii dhugaa saba ofii dubbatachuun jagnummaadha. Kun kan ta’u garuu yoo maal akka dubbataniifi hiriira diinni ittiin namatti dhufu dursanii akeekkatan; eeboo dubbi diinni namatti darbatu gahumsaan ofirraa qolachuu danda’an qofa. Sanaan achitti dubbichi faallaa ta’’a. Xiyyeeffannoon kiyya waa’ee marii kana miti. Warra hiriyaa malee michee geggeessaa malee gale seenaa keessaa yaadachuuf malee. Dogoggora namni kaleessa hojjatee darberraa inni har’a jiru barachuun hammeenya hinqabu. Seenaa akkasii kaasanii walbarsiisuun-walirraa barachuun dirqama dhalootaati. Adeemsa kana keessatti maqaan namaa garuummaanis ta’e gadhummaan kaafamuu mala. Akkuma hojii isaatti jechuudha. Dirqama seenaatu akka kana. Barreefama kana keessatti namoonni maqaa dhahamanis akeekuma kanaaf malee faayidaa biraa akka hinqabne dursee hubachiisuun fedha. Turtii gaarii.
Baalchaa Saafoo bara jireenya isaa (1863-1936) keessatti, uumamaan leenca bitaa-mirga lolu ta’uu seenaa dhokachuu hindandeenyetu ragaa baha. Lola Xaaliyaanii tokkoffaa jedhamu keessatti:
gbyB ¼UT zz wJ |
mDF ag§wX B lB ::
Hanga jedhamutti laphee ormaa keessaallee ta’u leelloo sobaa argatee ture. Haata’u malee Balchaan yerichatti “Ani Ilma eenyuuti!?” jedhee of gaafateera otoo ta’ee, sammuun isaa, “ …ati ilma Oromooti. Sanuu kan maatiin kee weerartoota diinaan qe’ee isaaniitti sirraa dhuman, kan daa’imummaa keetti booji’amtee gabrummaan harka diinota keetti guddatte, hunduma caalammoo… kan sanyiin kee akkka badu qaamni saala keetii akka korma loonii tumame1 ….. ati nama gochaan sanyii ballee irratti raawwate… ilma Oromooti….!!” jechuun dhugaa hedduu ittihima ture. Yeroottii kan of gaafachuu dhabuun orma salphina kana hunda isaafi saba isaarratti oolef umrii guutuu ergamaa hafe. Hangan ani beekutti sareenillee lafa ittikolaasan umrii ishii guutuu otuu lagattuu, otoo baqattuu hafti. Keenya namni hagasillee hanqate.
Qusee Diinagdee (1851 – 1927), akkuma Baalchaa diinni maatii irraa fixee ijoollummaan booji’e. Yerootti gaaffii kana of gaafachuu dhabuun eenyummaa isaa dagatee bara dheeraaf diina saba isaa qalu wajjin duulaa duulchisaa hafe. Gaafa umriin dhumee, ormi karra itticufatu barbaadee of argee, eenyu wajjin akka tureefi maal hojjataa akka ture hubatee gaabbiin “…teenyee ol fannifnee, ol kaaneeyyuu buusuu dadhabne!” Jedhe jedhama. Namni hiriya malee miche gala gaabba mitiiree!? Ammas warra yerootti “… nuti ilmaan eenyuuti??” jedhee of gaafachuu dadhabee erga yeroon darbee bool’a qaanii keesatti of argee gaabbee keessa hanga tokko ilaaluu yaalla.
Birgeedar General Tafarii Bantii (1921–1977) Oromoota orma tajaajilaa turanii afaan bineensaatti hafan keessaa tokko. Tafarii Bantii (Sadaasa 28, 1974 – Bitootessa 3, 1977) Perezedantii impaayera Itoophiyaafi durabu’aa paartii Dargii ta’anii maqaaf muudamanii ture. Namoonni inni waliin dhaabateefi lafti inni dhaabbate akka isaaf hinmalle, kan obboleewwan isaa qarriffaa dhoksaatiin waraantee fixxe ta’uu dursee kan ubate uummanni isaa tarii yoo galeeffillee jedhee:
‘Hoolaa dhaltii of eegi yaa Tafarii Bantii!
Warri Toophiyaa nama gantii!
Jechuun tikseen looniillee otoo hinafne amala diinaa dursanii akeekuufii yaalaniiru. Gorsi kun yerootti fudhatamuu baatus gaafa warrumti maqaa tokkummaa biyyaan isa waliin kakataa turan akeekkachiisa tokko malee akka bineensa hamaa guyyaa saafaa rasaasaan tuman4 tokkummaa jaraa duuba maaltu akka jiru Tafariif galuufii hinoolu. “Erga naan galee naa gale.” Jette jedhan intalli. Jeneral Damisee Bultoo, akkuma kana qawwee diinaa baatee diina fira fakkaatu waliin bara dheeraa dabarse. weerara Somaalii ittisuu dabalatee Warra maqaa tokkummaa biyyaan sobanii kaakatan waliin bu’aa bayii hedduu keessa darbe. Gaafa irribaa dammaqee eenyummaa warra waliin dhaabatuu hubachuu jalqabu reeffumti isaallee hanguma du’a sareellee ulfina dhabe. Hiriyaa malee michanii geggeessaa malee galan.
Seenaa darbe ilaaluun, siinxaluu, galmessanii kaahuun, irraa waa hubachuufi dhaloota barsiisuun adeemsuma dhallii namaa seenaa isaa keessatti dabarsee, har’as harkaa qabu, borus ittijiraatu ta’a. Kanaaf seenaa keessa taateewwantu (events) kaasanii walii himuun qajeelummaadha. Dhugaa jiru otoo hindabsiin abalu bara akkasii waan akkasii raawwate… biyya akkasii, iddoo akkasiitti waan akkasiitu ta’e …” jedhanii dhaloota yaadachiisuun yakka hinta’u ykn hammeenyummaa hinqabaatu. Dhugaa jiru kaasuun dhalota jiru dogoggora fakkaataarraa deebisuuf seenaa Oromoo keessatti warra “Nuti ilmaan eenyuuti….!?” jedhanii otoo of hingaafatiin karaa malee deemanii akka malee ta’an yaadachuuf ammas waa xiqqoo haa ilaallu.
Hiryaa malee michanii gaabbiin quuqamaa galuun maal akka fakkaatu caalattii baruf seenaa Dr. Nagaasoo Gidaadaa hubachuun kana warra kaanii caala barnoota gaarii waan kennu fakkaata. Dr. Nagaasoon seenaa isaanii keessatti humnoota maqaaa tokkuummaa biyyaan kakatan waliin hojjachuuf nuffii tokko malee yoo inni tokko fuula dhoowwattu isa kaanitti makamuun yaalii hedduu, garuu milkii tokkollee hinqabne erga taasisanii booda dhiyeenya kana “… habadan lamuu dubbii jara kanaa…” jechuun erga aduun dhiitee waakkachuu isaanii dhageenyeerra. Akkuma kana, obbo Juuneddiin Saaddoo orma garaa gahuu seenaa fokkuu meeqa erga hojjatanii booda gatiin dadhabbii isaanii maal akka ta’e yaadachuun seenaa jirtuu namuu qalbii keessaa qabu natti fakkaata.
Egaa yaa fira, seenaa du’a obbo Alamaayyoo Atoomsaa dabalatee fakkeenyi hiriyaa malee michuun maal akka ta’e nu barsiisan qalbii keenya keessaa ykn. Yaadannoo seenarraa wal yaadachiisuu mallu hanga hinqabu. “gorsii… gorsii didu gara inni fedhutti gorsi.” Akkuma jedhan warra karaarraa maqan ykn. maquu kajeelan, “…lakkii yaa ilmaan firaa akkuma dhaqa baddan galas badduu…” jennee waliif himuun waan dhufteen jiru. Isa didee guuleenammo “ …ittihiman didduun du’a hindiddu.” Jennee hagam garaa nu nyaatus biraa hafuun keenya hinoolu. Hiriyaa malee michanii Geggeessaa malee galuu Waaqayyoo nu haa oolchu!! –
Xumureera.

Sunday, March 30, 2014

Is this the most farcical use of taxpayers’ money ever: Ethiopian gets legal aid from UK – to sue us for giving aid to… Ethiopia

By IAN BIRRELL
Gift: Prime Minister David Cameron claims the donations are a mark of Britain's compassion
Gift: Prime Minister David Cameron claims the donations are a mark of Britain’s compassion
March 29, 2014, UK (Daily Mail) — An Ethiopian farmer has been given legal aid in the UK to sue Britain – because he claims millions of pounds sent by the UK to his country is supporting a brutal regime that has ruined his life.
He says UK taxpayers’ money –  £1.3 billion over the five years of the coalition Government – is funding a despotic one-party state in his country that is forcing thousands of villagers such as him from their land using murder, torture and rape.
The landmark case is highly embarrassing for the Government, which has poured vast amounts of extra cash into foreign aid despite belt-tightening austerity measures at home.
Prime Minister David Cameron claims the donations are a mark of Britain’s compassion.
But the farmer – whose case is  set to cost tens of thousands of pounds – argues that huge sums handed to Ethiopia are breaching the Department for International Development’s (DFID) own human rights rules.
He accuses the Government of devastating the lives of some of the world’s poorest people rather than fulfilling promises to help them. The case comes amid growing global concern over Western aid propping up corrupt and repressive regimes.
If the farmer is successful, Ministers might have to review major donations to other nations accused of atrocities, such as Pakistan and Rwanda – and it could open up Britain to compensation claims from around the world.
Ethiopia, a key ally in the West’s war on terror, is the biggest  recipient of British aid, despite repeated claims from human rights groups that the cash is used to crush opposition.
DFID was served papers last month by lawyers acting on behalf of ‘Mr O’, a 33-year-old forced to abandon his family and flee to a refugee camp in Kenya after being beaten and tortured for trying to protect his farm.
He is not seeking compensation but to challenge the Government’s approach to aid. His name is being withheld to protect his wife and six children who remain in Ethiopia.
‘My client’s life has been shattered by what has happened,’ said Rosa Curling, the lawyer handling the case. ‘It goes entirely against what our aid purports to stand for.’
Mr O’s family was caught in controversial ‘villagisation’ programmes. Under the schemes, four million people living in areas opposed to an autocratic government dominated by men from the north of the country are being forced from lucrative land into new villages.
Their land has been sold to foreign investors or given to Ethiopians with government connections.
People resisting the soldiers driving them from their farms and homes at gunpoint have been routinely beaten, raped, jailed, tortured or killed.
harassed
Exodus: The farmer claims villagers are being attacked by troops driving them from their land
His London-based lawyers argue that DFID is meant to ensure recipients of British aid do not violate human rights, and they have failed to properly investigate the complaints.
Human Rights Watch has issued several scathing reports highlighting the impact of villagisation and showing how Ethiopia misuses aid for political purposes, such as diverting food and seeds  to supporters.
Concern focuses on a massive scheme called Protection of Basic Services, which is designed to upgrade public services and is part-funded by DFID.
Force: Ethiopian federal riot police point their weapons at protesting students in a square in the country's capital, Addis Ababa
Force: Ethiopian federal riot police point their weapons at protesting students in a square in the country’s capital, Addis Ababa
Critics say this cash pays the salaries of officials implementing resettlements and for infrastructure at new villages.
DFID officials have not interviewed Mr O, reportedly saying it is too risky to visit the United Nations-run camp in Kenya where he is staying, and refuse to make their assessments public.
A spokesman said they could not comment specifically on the legal action but added: ‘It is wrong to suggest that British development money is used to force people from their homes. Our support to the Protection of Basic Services programme is only used to provide healthcare, schooling, clean water and other services.’

BRUTALLY DRIVEN FROM HIS FERTILE LAND – AND HE BLAMES BRITAIN 

Intimidation: Riot police confront a man (not the claimant) near the Tegbareed Industrial College as officers beat rock-throwing students during a demonstration
Intimidation: Riot police confront a man (not the claimant) near the Tegbareed Industrial College as officers beat rock-throwing students during a demonstration
As he showed me  pictures on his mobile phone of his homeland, the tall, bearded farmer smiled fondly. ‘We were very happy growing up there and living there,’ he said. This was hardly surprising: the lush Gambela region of Ethiopia is a fertile place of fruit trees, rivers and fissures of gold, writes Ian Birrell
That was the only smile when I met Mr O in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya last year. He told me how his simple family life had been destroyed in seconds – and how he blames British aid for his misery. ‘I miss my family so much,’ he said. ‘I don’t want to be relying on handouts –  I want to be productive.’
His nightmare began in November 2011 when Ethiopian troops accompanied by officials arrived in his village and ordered everyone to leave for a new location.
Men who refused were beaten and women were raped, leaving some infected with HIV.
I met a blind man who was  hit in the face and a middle-aged mother whose husband was  shot dead beside her – she still bore obvious the scars from  her own beating and rape by three soldiers. 
Unlike their previous home, their new village had no food, water, school or health facilities. They were not given farmland and there were just a few menial jobs. 
‘The government was pretending it was about development,’ said Mr O, 33. ‘But they just want to push the indigenous people off so they can take our land and gold.’ 
After speaking out against forced relocations and returning to his village, Mr O was taken to a military camp where for three days he was gagged with a sock in his mouth, severely kicked and beaten with rifle butts and sticks. 
‘I thought it would be better  to die than to suffer like this,’ he  told me. 
Afterwards, like thousands of others, he fled the country; now he lives amid the dust and squalor of the world’s largest refugee camp. He says their land was then given to relatives of senior regime figures and foreign investors from Asia and the Middle East.
‘I am very angry about this aid,’ he said. ‘Britain needs to check what is happening to its money. 
‘I hope the court will act to stop the killing, stop the land-grabbing and stop your Government supporting the Ethiopian government behind this.’ 
As the dignified Mr O said so sagely, what is happening in his country is the precise opposite  of development.
Source: Daily Mail

Saturday, March 29, 2014

Resilient Ethiopian Muslims’ Movement is back


Ethiopian-Muslim-Protest-Dimtsachin-YisemaMarch 28, 2014 (Borkena) –The Resilient Ethiopian Muslim Movement is back. Today, Ethiopian Muslims were demonstrating again in the capital Addis Ababa and different parts of Ethiopia. The Grand Anwar Mosque in Addis Ababa was once again a place to oppose government peacefully after procession of Friday prayer.
According to Dimtsachin Yisema , one of the voices of Ethiopian Muslims in social media, there was energized peaceful demonstration essentially all over Ethiopia.
For well over a year, Ethiopian Muslims have been staging weekly demonstration opposing TPLF/EPRDF government intervention in the administration and religious affairs of Ethiopian Muslims. In an effort to quell down the movement, Ethiopian government threw harbingers and representatives of the movement to jail.
Far from ending the protest, the measure only added one more cause for Ethiopian Muslims to carry on with the movement despite extremely repressive action from government.
Ethiopian Muslims are mainly opposing government imposition of new religious creed within the established Ethiopian Muslim faith and over the administration of Muslim school in Addis Ababa. It seem the movement is not going away before government addresses legitimate constitutional rights of Ethiopian Muslims, including the release of their incarcerated leaders who have been tortured only for exercising their constitutional rights.
Source: Borkena

Lives changed only when individuals rose above their circumstances

March 29, 2014
Statement by Mr Dhabesa Wakjira on Oromia Support Group Australia fundraising night about his life history and his first hand experiences with human right violation issues in Oromia, Ethiopia.
Hdhabesaello Everyone,
As most of you would know, my name is Dhabessa Wakjira and I’m going to deliver a few words; just to give you an overview of my life history, my experiences with human right violation issues and the purpose of trip to Geneva.
I was born in rural village of central Oromia in 1974. I’m a father of three: two daughters and son. I am a journalist, and community worker. I worked in the Ethiopian television, Oromo desk, both as a reporter, as program producer and as a program desk coordinator and as a deputy editor-in-chief of ETV assignment Desk for more than 10 years. However, my professional journey was aborted from the moment I was abducted from my office by a group of soldiers on the 30 April 2004 just at 5:00pm.
My understanding of the reasons for my detention, rooting from the interrogation, was suspicion for passing information and sympathizing with the Oromo Liberation Front. In connection to this, I was detained for three years in five detention centres, and appeared in front of court for 125 times at six different courts for one and the same case.
For the same reason, my wife, Lelisse Wodajo, was also arrested on the 30 October 2008 just at 11:00 am from the same office and interrogated and persecuted at the same centre for the same reason. She was also detained for three years in the same detention centres, and appeared in front of the same court for the same duration for one and the same case.
The typical nature of the present Ethiopian government system is well known by the trick of, ‘arrest first, then find evidence latter’ which is directly against the rule of law. There are also the intrusive actions such as arrest of individuals, search of individual’s house, and confiscate of property without legal warrant. After arrest of individuals without warrant, organizing false witnesses from intelligent networks, local administrations, and police stations over the innocents are also another common scandal of the system.
As I looked back at my survival story, I freshly remember the persecution, prejudice, and discrimination that had continued and existed for a century in my country. In my country, someone would be hunted and imprisoned for holding different political beliefs.
Among the seven journalists imprisoned in Ethiopia is Reeyot Alemu, who is serving a five-year term at Qaallittii Prison on baseless terrorism charges lodged after she wrote columns critical of the government. Reeyot was honoured in 2013 with the UNESCO World Press Freedom Prize, and in 2012 with the Courage in Journalism Award from the International Women’s Media Foundation. Eskinder Nega, a 2012 laureate of PEN American Centre’s Freedom to Write Award, has been imprisoned since September 2011 on same charges after writing columns discussing the domestic implications of the Arab Spring. He is serving an 18-year term in prison.
Prominent political prisoners like Jamaal Musxafaa, Araarsaa Abbaa Humnaa, Masfin Ittaanaa, Dirribe Ittana, Bekele Gerba, Olbana Lellisa, Kebede Boorana, Eshetu Kitil, and other thousands of Oromo political prisoners are suffering behind the bar for holding different political beliefs. Religion, politics, cultural difference, and ethnic background are the list of “reasons” for persecutions goes on and on. Different ethnic groups of people, specifically; the Oromo people have been randomly selected not only for discrimination but sometimes elimination. The government continues to single out Oromo dissidents.
The depth of human right abuses committed by the regime, especially in the deep country side of Oromia continued intensively and remained uncovered. Ethiopia holds more than 70,000 persons, including some 2,500 women and nearly 600 children incarcerated with their mothers, in severely overcrowded six federal and 120 regional prisons. There also were many unofficial detention centers throughout the country, including in Dedessa, Bir Sheleko, Tolay, Hormat, Blate, Tatek, Jijiga, Holeta and Senkele.
The harsh politically motivated torture I faced in detention centres and saw with my own eyes happening to others and heard from my prison colleagues how they were tortured, initiated me to expose these hidden genocidal acts. The motive behind the persecution is just to destroy our inner strength, and to crush our collective resistance.
However, the lesson we can learn from the sufferings of our ancestors is that their lives changed only when certain individuals rose above their circumstances and used persecution as the ultimate challenged to be and become more. Hence, the purpose of the trip to Geneva is just to present this first-hand account of human rights abuses committed by the regime. I hope this opportunity will enable us to forward these concerns during the official Universal Periodic Review process.
Thank you for your attention.
Source: Advocacy for Oromia

TOKKUMMAAN DHAADANNOO FI HAWWIIN HIN DHUGOOMU ! kutaa 1ffaa

Tokkummaa Ilmaan Oromoo bakkayyutti hawwanii fi Tokkummaan addunyaan itti jirtu, hiikkaansaa tokko moo, garaagarummaa qaba laata ? Adeemsa Qabsoo Biyyootaa fi saboota addunyaa keenya irra jiranii, Tokkummaan Qabsoo isaaniif hawwaa turan/jiranii fi nuuti amma bakka marattu akka dhaadannotti itti dhimma ba’aa jirru , tokko moo walii faallaadha ? gaaffii kana kaasuuf kan dirqisiise, Qabsoo Oromoo hudhee kan takaalee jiru, tokkummaa dhabuu keenyadha !! namoonni jedhan heddummaachuu fi hawwii tokkummaaf qaban, bakka hundatti akka dhaadannotti, akka yaadaatti ,akka hawwiitti, wal ga’ii irratti, hiriira irratti, Intarneeta irratti aarii fi gaddaan guutamanii yennaa dubbatanii fi kataban arguu fi dhaga’uu koo irraati. Akka kiyyatti Tokkummaan yaada walii galaa of keessaa qabu Ummata tokkof barbaachisaa ta’us, Qabsoo keenyaaf dhibeen tokkummaa nuuti hawwinu odoo hin taanee, yk Tokkummaa yaada Ilmaan Oromoo keessa jiru odoo hin taane, Tokkummaa yeroo qabsoo nu barbaachisu wallaaluu keenyadhaan jedha. Tokkummaan amma hawwaa jirru, Tokkummaa Bilisummaan booda ittiin jiraannu malee, kan yeroo Qabsoo keenya kanaatti nu barbaachisu miti. Miti kanan jedheef dhugeessuun hedduu ulfaataa ta’uu isaa irraati. Qalbiin haa wal hubannu. Gadi fageessinee haa yaannu. Miira ho’aan odoo hin taanee, miira tasgabbaa’een itti haa yaannu. Kun waan salphaa miti. Waan Ummati tokko irratti wal hubachuu qabudha. Bakka dhibee yk dhibee jiru adda yoo hin baasiin dawaan hin argamu waan ta’eef.
TOKKUMMAAN, HAWWII FI DHAADANNOON HIN DHUGOOMU !!!!!!!!!!.docx

Friday, March 28, 2014

OPDO Elects Muktar Kedir as its president

Gobana Jama | March 28, 2014
Muktar Kedir, OPDO Presient
Muktar Kedir, OPDO Presient
Muktar was born in Jimma. He earned his first degree in Law from the Civil Service College (security) and his second degree in International Leadership from Azusa Pacific University in California in August of 2008.
Muktar joined the OPDO in the mid-1990s, and was appointed administrator of the Jimma Zone in 1999, serving in the post until 2003. Unlike, his predecessors, Muktar is not prisoner of war (POW), who formed OPDO, but awesome loyal and confidant to the late Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi. From 2008 to 2010 he served as Vice-President of the Oromia Region state and head of the office of the Ethipian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Font (EPRDF) council.
Under Meles Zenawi, Muktar enjoyed considerable influence especially after he was appointed to run the affairs of the prime minister’s office in 2010. He also joined the national security council at the time, a post that helped him to gain a great deal of knowledge and skill managing large operations that harassed millions.
Muktar is known as a politician of considerable will, and ego. He is an orator given to addressing mass meetings, and is one of few senior EPRDF figures who can communicate with the people. His biggest problem could come from OPDO where there are already two distinct factions, one supporting him, from Islamic areas and the other from largely Christian areas. Muktar was unpopular with the later faction for approving Wahabist groups to organize gatherings when he was vice minster of the Oromia region, a job with much influence in the party.
Dr. Debretsion Gebremichael, is architect of security apparatus in Ethiopia
Debretsion Gebremichael is an architect of security apparatus in Ethiopia. One can comfortably say, he is the ruler of the country after Zenawi. 
From 2012 to 2014 he was one of the country’s three deputy prime Ministers, serving with Debretsion Gebremichael and Demeke Mekonnen, considered “a loyal politician and trusted ally of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn” and he was appointed as minister for the civil service.
Now, Muktar is a personal confidant of a ruthless security chief, Dr. Debretsion Gebremichael, who is responsible for the disappearance of millions in Ethiopia. Debretsion is an architect of the security establishment in the country, inlcuding wire tapping technique, internet access limitations, depriving citizens rights, adopting torturing menus in prisons, etc. He is also reponsible for retardation of the country’s information technology growth. Ethiopia is far lower than the lawless coutnry, Somalia, when it comes to information technology growth.
Muktar will be closely watched by his boss, Dr. Debretsion, who will test him how he handles the relationship with OLF. The growing popularity of OLF, especially among youth, will consume his office. Will he negotiate or follow his predecessors’ hardline approach, who finally ended up in exile?
Muktar’s second problem is the rampant regional corruption within the Oromo communities, which was deliberately designed and created for divide and rule strategy by the TPLF. The third is the unresolved religion issues.
Observers say that Muktar will be another headless, puppet of Debretsion, who will exercise or apply his security knowledge and skill on innocent citizens. Any way time will tell whom he will be working for.

Some policy considerations regarding the Ethiopian outmigration

By Seid Hassan and Minga Negash | March 28, 2014
In our December 19, 2013 article entitled “Explaining the Ethiopian outmigration: incentives or constrains” we alerted readers and policy makers in Ethiopia about the push, pull and mediating factors of outmigration in general and outlined the factors as they relate to Ethiopia. In this short article we aim to discuss further the incompatibility between macroeconomic growth and outmigration and close the piece by outlining potential mitigation strategies.
By the end of 2013 and early 2014 the world witnessed yet another shame of Ethiopians. Voices of men, women and children in Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Libya, Southern Europe and Southern Africa are instantly being transmitted across the globe through the use of advanced information technology. Saudi Arabia alone deported at least 165,000 Ethiopians within the span of few weeks. Demonstrations were held in Kuwait and Israel against African immigrants. The European Union has erected various forms of fences against immigrants from Africa. As Emnet Assefa of Addis Standard, a journalist in one of the local newspaper noted, “[o]ver the last few years, news of young Ethiopian men and women found dead inside jam-packed containers loaded on heavy duty trucks has become a routine media exercise both locally and in many parts of the continent.”  Abuses, abductions, disappearances and killings of Ethiopians in the Middle EastNorth Africa, and Gulf States has become common. On Thursday March 20, 2014 the (U.S. based) National Public Radio (NPR) run a heart-wrenching story of an Ethiopian young woman who took unbelievable levels of risks and investments to reach the shores of the United States. While outmigration is the history of mankind, as indicated in the holy books, for example, modern day migration, particularly migration into the Middle East, is documented to be associated with calamities.
Detentions of Ethiopians for violating the immigration laws of other countries (such as in KenyaTanzaniaUgandaZambiaZimbabwe), deportations, refugee camps filled with Ethiopians, and sending the remains of Ethiopians who died in their search for better lives and liberty has become routine. Disturbed by the depressing news and the total failure of the  Government of Ethiopia (GOE), the Ethiopian diaspora held noisy protest demonstrations in front of the Saudi Arabian and Ethiopian embassies, collected petitions, contributed and donated some funds to the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to aid returnees and painfully listened to the information provided by foreign based radios and websites. While these are normal reactions and laudable works, they are nonetheless temporary measures and will not serve as mitigation strategies unless one understands the causes, scale and depth of the problem, and consider a range of possible policy options.
The Horn of Africa has been and continues to be one of the hot spots of major human movements in the world.  Civil wars, secessionist conflicts, tribal-clan warfare, famine, land scarcity and evictions, and poverty have been the causes of both internal displacements and cross border migration. At the time of writing this article, tens of thousands of Sudanese refugees are reportedly crossing the border and entering the Ethiopian territory in search of security. The civil wars in North and South Sudan, tensions and skirmishes in the Eritrean-Ethiopian borders, sectarian and secessionist movements in Somalia and the Ogaden, ethnic, religious and clan tensions, land grabs and repression have been some of the culprits of the migration.
In addition to the instability and government failures in the region, it is important to note that globalization often manifests itself in the form of increased movement of capital, freer movement of goods and services, internationalization of production and investments, and information about labor demand. Hence, outmigration must also be examined in the context of the global trends in the import and export of labor. Immigration magnet countries generally have labor shortages as in the Middle Eastern countries while exporting countries benefit from remittances. In other words, one might be tempted to ask whether the remittance that a country receives from the export of both skilled and unskilled labor drives a government’s policy towards emigration. This question is pertinent to Ethiopia as the country exports both skilled and unskilled labor and its annual earnings from remittances is estimated at about 3 billion dollars, a figure that is more than the revenue it obtains from exporting products. In addition, the government has been trying to finance mega projects through the issuance of low interest and high risk diaspora bonds.
However, consistent with theory, Ethiopians spend their remittance earnings on consumer goods and alleviating family hardships. Remittance expenditures on consumption goods, particularly imports, therefore, is believed to have played their own roles in exacerbating the high cost of living in the country and widening its trade deficit, in addition to raising the birr’s real exchange rate and escalating real estate prices. Anecdotal evidence also shows that a good number of Ethiopian diaspora members are deeply involved in the real estate sector, particularly housing. Using its monopoly power on land, the government has been engaged in evicting entire neighborhoods, including the forced removal of the remains of the dead from grounds that traditionally belonged to the churches, and building roads and auctioning the confiscated lands at artificially inflated prices that are often set through insider trading of information. This is in addition to continuously raising rental prices. The use of remittances in real estate thus could only add fuel to the fire, thereby making housing unaffordable to residents. Anecdotal evidence also shows that remittances have played their own roles in fueling corruption and heightening rural and urban land speculation.
Notwithstanding the above, the GoE has been claiming that the country has been enjoying double-digit real economic growth for about one decade. The growth statistics however has been questioned by several economists and as of late even magazines that used to be known for echoing the government’s line of story have started to question the validity of the government provided statistic.  Secondly, the country is known to have achieved “stability” since 2000, while at the same time neighboring countries such as Sudan and Somalia found themselves embroiled in escalated internal conflicts and with their neighbors. These stories spark a number of important questions. First, given that the country is claimed to be at “peace” with itself and is also a peace-maker in the Horn of Africa (such as contributing troops in Somalia, Sudan and beyond), and with a “federal multi-party system” in place, why would one observe documents and criticisms against the government? Why should the residents of a land with a growing economy and “federal democracy” choose to emigrate en mass In other words, could outmigration and economic growth move in the same direction or move in different directions or have no association between themselves at all? To answer these questions in the context of Ethiopia, one needs to review the relevant literature.
*Source: de Haas (2010) Migration transitions: a theoretical and empirical inquiry into the developmental drivers of international migration’. IMI Working Papers. Oxford, University of Oxford
A quick review of the relevant literature suggests that as development level increases immigration increases as the country becomes a magnet for foreigners and its own diaspora population. However the association between emigration and economic development is negative. Figure 1 shows the migration transition theory of de Haas (2010), which is now popular among researchers on migration. Validating the migration transition theory in the context of Ethiopia requires an empirical research. Unfortunately, empirical research on economic, social and demographic data is generally hard in developing countries because of data reliability and more importantly the politicization of such information. To test the validity of de Haas’s (2010) model, we reviewed the academic and policy literature, applied qualitative-phenomenological methods of research and outlined policy options.
In its November 2012 report, the International Migration Institute at Oxford University confirmed the common knowledge of Ethiopians, and documented that between 1960 and 2000 Ethiopia’s outmigration was one of the lowest in the Horn of Africa. Authorized emigrant population (including asylum seekers) in 2000 was less than 300,000 – lower than Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda and Yemen. As a percentage of the size of the population, Ethiopia’s outmigration was also the lowest. However, this statistics requires further analysis as the impacts of conflicts in Eritrea, Tigrai, Ogaden and Somalia, famine, conscriptions for the various wars and the red terror were responsible for driving thousands of refugees to the Sudan, Somalia, Djibouti and Kenya.
Fransen and Kuschminder (2009:17) of Maastricht University , citing the World Bank, confirmed the findings of the International Migration Institute and stated that “migration flows out of Ethiopia are relatively small”. The World Bank estimated an emigration rate of 0.6 percent of the population in 2005, which amounts to a stock of 445,926 persons”. And in-migration (refugees from neighboring countries) and outmigration of Ethiopians to neighboring countries as refugees, according to the UNHCR, balanced one another, suggesting that the net migration during the period was close to zero. However, like the Institute of Migration’s data, Fransen and Kuschmider’s work heavily relied on limited literature review and extrapolated statistics using data from IOM, UNHCR, OECD and the World Bank. Their results therefore, may not be useful to predict or understand the scale and form of the migration current crisis. Furthermore, an important factor in analyzing international data is that most of the reports contain only the number of refugees that have been recognized. For instance the World Bank’s recent report does not include registered asylum seekers or the number undocumented Ethiopians living out of their country. The bank reported that between 2009 and 2011 the number of Ethiopian refugees who have been granted refugee status were respectively 121,886; 154,295 and 288,844, showing an annual growth rate of 26.59% and 87.2%. In sum, obtaining reliable data and information about the Ethiopian outmigration is a major issue. Unfortunately, the unreliability of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Diaspora Department figures compound the problem.
Notwithstanding the above difficulties, in our December 19, 2013 article, we attributed the Ethiopian outmigration mainly to push factors and following the norm in the migration literature, we outlined the factors under four major categories. We have reproduced them here for the benefits of our readers. The four categories are (1) Supply-Push (Predisposing or Repulsive) Factors- which drive/force migrants out of their country of origin. Examples include poverty, the lack of economic opportunities and jobs, economic downturns, political oppressions, abuses of human rights, religious intolerance (constraints), wars, conflicts and insecurities in the home country; (2) Demand-Pull-factors- which in general are positive and are responsible in attracting migrants. Examples include: higher wage rates and better standard of living in destination countries; higher and steady demand for cheap and unskilled labor in destination countries’ informal economies (domestic work, construction, services such as cleaning, restaurant and fast food services), political and religious freedom in destination countries; (3) Mediating Factors, which are divided into two conflicting factors: (a) Facilitating/encouraging factors- which are the ones that trigger, enable and accelerate departure. Examples include the availability of visas, passports, transport, communications, information, recruiters, brokers, traffickers and smugglers, porous borders, and the resources needed for the journey, distance to and between sending and destination countries and length of transit periods. (b) Restraining/constraining factors or intervening obstacles- are the ones which work against making the journey – such as the lack of the ones described in (a) above, high migration costs, perceived risks, stricter controls of recruitments, stiff punishments and penalties against smugglers and traffickers, rogue employment practices in destination countries; and (4) Social network (pull) factors – such as the existence of relatives, friends and acquaintances in host/destination countries, available opportunities for family unifications in host countries, or when individuals send money to bring other family members to join them into the new (host) country- a chain migration which results in migration fields or clustering of people from specific countries into certain neighborhoods or small towns in the new (host) countries (e.g. China Town, Vietnamese Town, Little Ethiopia, etc. in North America). Mediating factors also include success stories of the diaspora.
Returning to the issue about the link between economic growth and migration, in the case of Ethiopia, unlike the growing domestic product data reported by the government and the high rise buildings and construction projects that are undergoing in recent years, the human development indicators generally show that there has been little progress in alleviating poverty in the country (According to UNDP’s 2011 survey, Ethiopia is in the low human development category—positioning the country at 173 out of 187 with 87.3 percent of the country’s population lived in multidimensional poverty (MPI)). Despite the big push and donor support, early human development indicators reveal that Ethiopia, unfortunately, will not be able to meet many of the MDG goals by 2015. Thus, the GoE must blame itself for washing away the donor propelled gain in the economy by inflation. Perhaps, a better indicator could be creating a misery level tracking index, which can be computed by the sum of the country’s inflation rate, unemployment rate, augmented by annual changes in outmigration and subtracting the country’s economic growth rate. In this respect, in a recent paper, Abebe Shimeles and Andenet Delelegn (see African Development Bank Group Working paper No 182 September 2013), using household data that was collected by Addis Ababa University in collaboration with Oxford University and the University of Gothenburg attempted to empirically examine the welfare effects of rising food prices (inflation). They show that between 2000 and 2006, the Ethiopian economy has had a cumulative welfare loss of 53%. The “true” level of welfare loss was 12% worse than what was estimated by the GoE’s statisticians. Between 2007 and 2013 Ethiopia has seen a series of sharp increases in the cost of living, reaching as high as 64% in 2008. The country also “officially devalued the Birr by over 102% against the U.S. Dollar between November 2007 and February 2013 despite being warned that devaluation would not have its intended effects without addressing the country’s economic fundamentals.
While the increases are not unparalleled by the history of hyperinflation, the growth claim made by the GoE appears unparalleled indeed. The ramifications of these inaccuracies for economic planning and hardship (misery index) and outmigration, in an environment of the feminization of poverty are serious. Inflation also has wealth transfer effects and widening inequality especially when it occurs under an environment of full control of land by the government, credit channeling, excessive money supply and monetization of government borrowing, and political-party owned and state owned enterprises. Indeed, there are numerous signs indicating that the government’s Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP) “belies the reality on the ground”, is a “misguided economic policy”, and too “fanciful” to trust. As one of the pro-government local papers noted, the GTP was just one of a “number of fashionable ideas and initiatives” … concocted by the late Prime Minister Zenawi and his party elites…” – the concocted ideas being just a “theoretical synthesis” rather than being practically applicable to the Ethiopian context. As predicted by Ken Ohashi, the then World Bank Country Director for Ethiopia, the GTP has become unsustainable, all signs indicating its failure. The tell-tale signs are indicated by: the government’s neglect of the manufacturing sector of the economy (Economist, March 02, 2013, Enku Magazine’s interview of Mr. Mushe Semu, May, 2013 edition, Reporter, October 5, 2013, Addis Fortune, March 9, 2014); the gloomier picture of the flower industry (Reporter, February 8, 2014); the sharp declines in the country’s exports (Reporter: October 5, 2013, January 11, 2014, Addis Fortune), the deterioration of the country’s indebtedness (Ezana Kebede, 2014); the credit crunch facing the private sector (Reporter, February 8, 2014); the negative ramifications in foreign exchange shortages (Wall Street Journal, January 6, 2014); the deprived private sector: (IMF); the rising tide of corruption (World Bank, Global Financial Integrity, Hassan) and disturbingly, the falsely trumpeted “gains” in the agricultural sector, where most of the out-migrants originate (AllAfrica.com, January 19, 2014).
Now that we have shown outmigration is incompatible with a growing economy, the GoE and the donor community need to take the bull by the horn and address key issues that hold the economy from growing and also the drivers of emigration. The ruling party cannot escape re-examining its land policy and restructure the ownership structure in the economy, liberate the markets so that private enterprise would flourish; it should allow the archaic finance industry to respond to the realities of the economy; seriously fight inflation and corruption, grant the poor the freedom to vote on policy, and put in place sound controls against illicit financial flows and human smuggling; design and implement sound population development and family planning policy; restructure public and private information dissemination institutions to allow robust debate on national policy. The government needs to guarantee and respect private property and put in place reliable investor protection mechanisms. More importantly, it needs to take concrete conflict prevention strategies and open the political space at home in order to reduce political instability and minimize the probability of yet another round of large scale outmigration. The available data and the realities on the ground strongly show that both inter-migration and intra-migration have become serious issues for the country. The GoE therefore needs to consider establishing a research center for migration studies in one of the universities.
Outmigration also requires reforming the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Labor. Like other nations, Ethiopia, on behalf of its citizens, needs to promote cooperation and negotiate minimum labor standards in host countries. It must push migrant recipient countries the International Convention on the Rights of Migrant Workers and their Families (ICRMW), one of the core international human rights treaties. For emigrants who go to specific destinations, the government can create incentives for minimum level of skills certifications. It needs to provide coping mechanisms and establish a desk in the embassies for handling physical, emotional and sexual abuses and cultural prejudices faced by immigrants, in general, and women in particular. The remittance obtained from destination countries could justify the additional costs of providing the above services. The country must be able to pass and implement effective regulation against “agents” and human smugglers. The government also needs to re-examine the de facto policy of using remittances (i.e. exporting people) as developmental instrument, for the macroeconomic effects are ambiguous at best.
The Ethiopian diaspora community must also do its part. Most of the diaspora institutions are divided, weak and poorly managed. Similar to the politics inside the country, the diaspora is divided along political, ethnic and regional lines. Hence, there is no “national consensus” and the government’s diaspora policy has become part of the problem. The GoE leaders often face booing and protest demonstrations when they travel abroad. They in turn label their critics as “extremists”, “chauvinists” and even “terrorists”. The diaspora is predominantly unengaged and a small proportion appears to be opportunistic. The majority fears reprisal from the government for showing dissent or for not cooperating with the embassies. With regard to the economic impact, other than the remittance, the magnitude of diaspora’s “contribution” to development appears to be a moot point. Furthermore, unlike out-migrants of other countries, Ethiopian out-migrants seem to have failed to pay attention to the ongoing politics of their respective destination countries. The use of immigrants as political punch bags by the Saudi authorities could have been minimized if Ethiopian migrants were paying attention to the upcoming of large scale and politically-motivated deportations. Finally, Ethiopian immigrants must take lessons from the recent deportations and establish strong centers in their respective destination countries and create a global network that supports the community in times of crisis

Seenaan Oromoo Qubsuma Har’aa Keessatti Bardhibbee 16ffaa irraa Eegala moo San Dura?

Yahyaa Jamaal | Bitootessa 27, 2014
Xalayaa banaa kana afaanuma keenyaan OSAf akkan barreessu waan na dirqetu jira. Hayyonni seenaa dhalootaan Oromoos tahee Oromoo irraa ala tahan,waa’ee seenaa Oromoo Bardhibbee 16ffaa, (gariin  Oromo migration jedhu, gariinis Oromo expansion jedhu, ani garuu Return of the Oromo jechuun filadha) irratti falmii hunde-jabeessa yoo geggeessan dilas hin dhagahu, hin dubbisu. Rakkoo kana wanni maddisiise maal akka tahe ifaa dha. Oromoon akka Oromootti seenaa mataa ofii barreeffamaan galmeeffatee ol kaa’uu hanqachuun isa guddaa dha. Oromoon waan argaa-dhageettiidhaan (afoolaan) hangafoota isaa irraa dhagahu dhala dhala isaatti dabarsaa dhufe malee, sirna barreeffamaa mataa isaa qabaatee ittiin hin galmeeffanne. Oromoon sirna barreeffama mataa isaa dhabeef garuu qaroomina dur-durii (ancient civilization) hin qabu jechuu miti. Qaroomina sirna barreeffama mataa keenyaa dhabneef qofa mataan waan gad nu cabuuf hin qabu. Qaroomina laalcha polotikaa, aadaa, amanatii, safuu, urjii dhahaa fi kan kana fakkaataniin saboota ollaa keenyaa kamuu keessaa hangafummaan laalamuu dandeenya. Hundumtuu hafee, warra Gadaan bulu tahuun keenya qofti mootii qaroomtotaa nu godhuu danda’a.
Habashoonni sirna barreeffamaa mataa isaanii kan gabbifachuu danda’an beekkomsaan nu caalaniif miti. Amantiin Kiristaanummaa Abiisiiniyaa seenuu waliin wal qabatee kan guddatee dha. Amantii barachuu fi barsiisuu keessa afaanii fi qubee isaanii gabbifatan. Sirnoonni barreeffamaa addunyaa keenyaa baay’een ergifata amantii waliin wal qabatanii guddatan, babal’atan. Nuti Oromoon hanga yeroo dhihootti amantii mataa keenyaa qofa waan hordofnuuf, sirna barreeffamaa biyya alaa irraa ergifannee dagaagfachuuf hin dirqamne. Kun gama tokkoon bilisummaa sabummaa keenyaa kan calaqqisu yoo tahu, gama kaniin garuu nu hin miine jechuun rakkisaa dha. Miidhaan gama kanaan nu mudate, har’a seenaa keenya ofii keenyaaf barreessinee ol kaayuu hanqannee waan alagoonni dantaa isaanii irra dhaabbatanii barreessan irraa qofa dubbisuuf dirqamuu keenya.
Seenaa Oromoo kan yeroo duraaf barreeffame (Bardhibbee 16ffaa) galmeessinee harkaa qabna warri jedhan baay’een isaanii dabtaroota Habashaa akka Abbaa Baahiree ti. Keessumattuu barruun Baahiree kan ‘Zeenaahuu Ze Gaallaa’ jedhamu faranjoota baar-gama irraa dhufanii waa’ee Oromoo qorataniif illee maddaa fi ragaa seenaa isa hangafa tahee fudhatame. Kan biraa hafnaan maqaan keenya ‘Oromoo’ jedhu didamee, jecha jibbansaa ‘Gaallaa’ jedhuun addunyaatti akka beekamu kan godhe Dabtaroota kana. Nuti mataan keenyayyuu seenaadhuma keenya waan Dabtaroonni barreessanii addunyaatti himan irraa dubbisuuf dirqamne. Dabtaroonni ammoo Oromoo irraa jibba waan qabaniif seenaa ummata kanaa bakka baay’eetti seenaa bulguu fakkeessanii barreessan.
Kanuma waliin, hayyonni Oromoo baay’een seenaa Oromoo isa dur-durii (Kush antiquity) irratti hubannoon qaban muraasa. Seenaa dur-durii kana irratti afaan tokkicha dubbachuunis hanga ammaatti hin danda’amne. Habashoonni, ‘Oromoon bardhibbee 16ffaa booda Itoophiyaa keenya seene’ jechuu irratti yoo wal tahan, nuti ammoo dubbii kanaaf deebii kenninu irratti dhugaa wal fakkaataa tokko qabaachuu qabna. Dhugaa ragaa seenaa qabu, qabatamaa. Saba tokko taanee seenaa adda addaa himanna yoo tahe dogoggora guddaa dha. Hayyoota seenaa Oromoo tokko tokko dabalatee beektota Oromoo kan jennuun danuutu dhugaa kana ibsuu irratti rakkachaa/dogoggoraa jira. Namni tokko hayyuu seenaa Oromoo jedhamee, Sochii Oromoo Bardhibbee 16ffaatiin ‘Oromo migration’ yoo jedhee ibse na gaddisiisa. Namni tokko qaama hoggana ol’aanaa dhaaba siyaasaa Oromoo tokko tahee, ‘Oromoon lafa amma jiru kana irra kan qubate Bardhibbee 16ffaa keessa tahuun homaa shakkii hin qabuu’ kan jedhu yoo tahe, egereen siyaasaa keenyaa illee na sodaachisa.
Gama kaaniin, maddi ummata Oromoo gama kibbaa (Madda Walaabuu) ti jedhama. Kun seenaa argaa-dhageettii Oromootiinis mirkanaawaa dha. Haa tahu malee maddi ummata Oromoo ummata Nuubiyaa (Dhiha) waliinis garmalee akka wal hidhatu ragaaleen agarsiisan hedduu dha. Qaroominni Oromoo fi kan warra Nuubiyaa waliif lakkuu tahuu isaatu hubatamaa dhufaa jira. Kun ammoo Itoophiyaan dur-durii (Aithiop or Kushland), tan Bible keessatti maqaa dhawamte sun, Itoophiyaa Oromoo durii tahuu isii nuuf mirkaneessa. Itoophiyaan har’a Habashoonni maqaa isii saamanii moggaafatanii fi Itoophiyaan Kuushota qulqulluu dur-durii sun walii adda adda tahuu isaaniis ifa godha. http://gadaa.com/oduu/10224/2011/07/26/ethiopia-their-ethiopia/
As irratti namoonni tokko tokko yaada koo akka malee hubachuudhaan ‘falmannaa Itoophiyaa’ godhanii fudhachuu malu. Akkasitti hubachuun dogoggora guddaa dha. Waan irraa dubbataa jirrutu waa’ee seenaa (history) ti. Seenaa yoo kaafnu ammoo ‘Ethiopia’ jechuun maali? gaaffii jedhuuf deebii soquutu dirqama taha. Kana keessatti Ethiopia dur-durii sanii fi kan amma Habashoonni moggaafatan adda addatti laaluutu dhufa. Nuti akka Oromootti hiriirri seenaa keenyaa isa kam keessatti akka tahe laallanna. Nuti qaama Ethiopia isii dur-durii san malee qaama impaayera Ethiopia isii har’aa tana akka hin tahin himanna. Kun lamaan ammoo salphaatti kan walitti araaramu hin tahu. Sababni isaas, Ethiopia isiin dur-durii sun eenyummaa keenya, eenyumaa Kuushotaa turte. Ethiopia isiin sobaa har’aa kun ammoo, eenyummaa Habashootaa irraa bukeeffamtee tolfamte. Eenyummaa kana lamaantu salphaatti wal hin araaramne. Kanin kaasuu barbaades kanuma.
Akka hubannaa kiyyaatti, hundee seenaa Kuushummaa dur-durii kana mirkaneeffachuu fi falmachuun yoo xiqqaate karaa gurguddaa lama injifannoo nu gonfachiisa. Injifannoon inni duraa fi kan hangafaa, nuti Oromoon (Kuushonni) harka hedduu Habashoota dursinee karaa hogbarruu, ijaarsa gamoolee, ijaarsa siidaa, dhaha urjii, sirna demokraasii akka gadaa fi kan kana fakkaatan gabbifachuu keenya agarsiisa. Qaroominni Aksum kan calaqqisee mul’achuu eegale eega Izaanaan (Bardhibbee 4ffaa) Mero’ee cabsee hambaalee qaroomina Kuushotaa barbadeessee booda. Kanaafuu Mero’eetu Aksuumiif hangafa jechuu dha. Mero’een ammoo mallattoo seenaa qaroomina Kuushi. Qaroominni Kuush (Ancient Ethiopian civilization) eega barbadeeffamee booda, Qaroominni Abyssinia (Axum civilization) dagaaguun, hangafummaa qaroominaa nuti Habashoota irratti qabnu ragaa baha. Kana malees Itoophiyaan (Kushland) Bible keessatti maqaa dhawamte illee biyya teenya tan Kuushotaa malee Abyssinia isaanii (the modern fake Ethiopia) akka hin tahin sobsiisuuf humna nuu dabala. Tuffi Habashoonni qaroomin-dhabilee nu fakkeessuu barbaadanis ni dhabamsiisa. Hayyonni seenaa Oromoo naannoo kana irratti xiyyeeffannoo gahaa kennanii qorachuutu irraa eegama.
Hariiroo Nuubiyaa waliin qabnu falmachuu irraa injifannoon argamu kan lammaffaas ni jira. Kunis, kijiba Dabtaroota Habashaa kan ‘Oromoon bardhibbee 16ffaa keessa lafa kana irra dhufee qubate, sana dura biyyi isaa asii miti’ jedhu sobsiisa. Nuti Oromoon akka dame Kuushitti isaan dursinee waggoota kumoota hedduuf lafa amma Ethiopia jedhamtuu fi godinaa kana keessa bal’inaan qubannee kan argamnu tahuu ibsa. Seenaan Oromoon lafa har’a irra jiru kana irratti qabus, seenaa waggoota kumootaa malee kan bardhibbee 16ffaa irraa qabee mul’ate akka hin tahin ragaa baha. Oromoon dhiibbaa Habashootaan yookiis dhimma jijjiirama qilleensaa irraa kan kahe godinaa kana lakkisee waggoota dhibboota muraasaaf gara kibbaatti godaaneera. Booda gaafa haalli aanjawuuf ammoo lafa isaatti deebi’ee qubate. Kun akka waan Oromoon ala irraa godaanee dhufetti ‘Oromo migration’ jedhamee ibsamuutu dogoggora. Warra akkasitti ibsu illee jabinaan dura dhaabbachuuf ragaa seenaa mataa keenyaa dagaagfachuu nu barbaachisa. Kanaafin ani akka hubannaa kiyyaatti sochii Bardhibbee 16ffaa sanaan ‘Return of the Oromo’ jechuu filadha. Oromoon lafa isaa haala siyaasaa yookiis umamaan dhiibamee irraa deemetti duula gadaatiin deebi’e yoo jenne afaan tokko nu dubbachiisa. Kun seenaa harkumaan tolfannee himannu osoo hin taane, ragaalee mallattoo Oromummaa Aksum irraa qabee hanga Mero’eetti jiran sirriitti qorachuu, galmeeffachuu fi beeknee wal beeksisuudhaan dhugooma.
Hayyota Oromoo keessaa warri dhugaa kana falmachuu fi dhugoomsuuf hojjechuu jalqaban ni jiru. Haa tahu malee kanneen seenaa Dabtaraan akka dantaa isaaniif tahutti nuu barreessite qofa dhageenyee, falminee sobsiisuufis madda ragaa mataa keenyaa itti dhabnee, polotikaadhuma har’aa qofa bukeessinus guunneerra. Habashoonni ammoo gowwaa miti. Yeroo falmiin siyaasaa keenyaa mataa isaan dhukkubsee deebii nuu kennan dhaban, seenaa keenya kan akka ofii fedhanitti barreessan nu barsiisuu barbaadu. Yoo nuti Minilik, Tewodroos, Yohaannis akkas nu godhan jennee himannu, ‘Seenaa dabre hin dubbatinaa, yoo seenaa dubbachuu barbaaddan ammoo isin Itoophiyaa keessatti seenaa waggaa 400 caalu hin qabdaniitii usaa’ nuun jedhu. Ofii sooressa seenaa tahanii nuun hiyyeessa seenaa godhanii ibsaa jiru.
Kanaafuu seenaa keenya kaleessaatti bakka godhuu fi bifa beekamaa itti tolchuun qooda hayyoota keenya seenaa ti. Akki itti seenaan Oromoo Madda Walaabuu fi Nuubiyaa wal fudhatus sirriitti qoratamee barsiifamuu qaba. Seenaa akka Oromootti qabnu afaan tokkoon barannee dubbachuu danda’uutu nurraa eegama. Beekkomsi seenaa keenyaa miidhaa Habashoonni bara Tewodroos irraa qabee nurraan gahan qofa irratti murtaawuu hin qabu. Akkuma gochaa Minilik nurratti raaw’ate beekaa fi wallaalaan keenya hundi qayyabatee qoma irraa qabutti, seenaa keenya isa waggoota kumoota duraas qorannee, beeknee, wal barsiifnee ittiin boonuutu nurra jira. Diinota Oromiyaa teenya irratti nutti hinaafanii ‘isin kaleessa dhuftan, lafti irra jirtan kun lafa keessan miti’ nuun jechuu barbaadan afaan qabsiisuu irratti, arraba qaroo wal fakkaataa qabaachuu nu barbaachisa.
Kana irratti quufsaatti akka hojjetu kan irraa eegamu Waldaya Qorannoolee Oromoo, OSA dha. Waldayni kun qorannoo seenaa Oromoo isa dur-durii irraa qabee, akka hegeree siyaasaa keenyaaf aanjutti qaruu irratti jabeessee akka hojjetun yaadachiisa. Seenaan Kuush durii jirma eenyummaa keenyaa isa ganamaa ti. Seenaan bardhibbee 16ffaa fi sanii asii damee isaa ti. Kanaafuu jirma keenya guddicha dhiifnee damee qofa irratti rarra’uun akka hafutti, OSAn barnoota seenaa qindaawaa fi gadi fagoo nu barsiisuutu irraa eegama. Jaarmayni akkaademii Oromoo kun akkuma karaa hawaasummaa, siyaasaa, dinagdee fi jireenya Oromoo walii galaa irratti miidhaa mudatu saaxiluuf sagalee isaa jabaa dhageessisaa jirutti, seenaa Oromoo isa dur-durii (ancient) caalaatti qoratee fi qaree, seenaa boodanaa (medieval and modern) waliin wal simsiisee barnootaaf akka dhiheessu hawwii koo ti. OSAn, qorattoota seenaa Oromoo kan mata mataadhaan hojii qorannoo irratti bobba’an illee walitti qindeessuun, (kan alaas kan akka Prof. Shamsadin Megalomatis faa waliin hariiroo qorannoo jabeessuun) bu’aan wal taasisaan (consistent outcome) akka horatamutti qooda waldayummaa akkaademii isaa akka daranuu ol guddisun yaada dhiheessa.
Galatoomaa!
Yahyaa Jamaal

Thursday, March 27, 2014

April 15: Oromo National Memorial Day

March 27, 2014 (Advocacy for Oromia) - April 15th is the Oromo Martyrs’ Day, also known as Guyyaa Gootota Oromoo. This commemorative day was first started by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) after the executions of its prominent leaders on a diplomatic mission en routed to Somalia on April 15, 1980. Since then, this day has been observed as the Oromo Martyrs’ Day by Oromo nationals around the world to honor those who have sacrificed their lives to free Oromia, and to renew a commitment to the cause for which they had died.
Why April 15th?
Mid 1978-1979 is remembered as the period when the survival of the Oromo national liberation struggle, led by the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), was under a severe threat of extinction. It was feared that OLA units in Arsi, Bale and Hararghe would disintegrate, and their channel of connection and supplies would be cut off by the Dergue army that just recuperated from the Ethio-Somali war. Upon defeating the Siad Barre army, the Dergue turned its face on OLA. The OLA, in the fronts of Arsi, Bale and Hararghe, fought steadfastly and scored victory over the Dergue army and regrouped once again on January 1st 1980. In the wake of their military victory, OLF intensified its political struggle inside the country and abroad. The initial political victory included the persuasion of the Siad Barre government to allow the opening of OLF office in Mogadishu, Somalia, in 1980, to serve as a center of consultation and deliberation between OLF political and military leaders.
In the same year, a ten-member high-ranking military and political delegates (see list below) were on their way to Somalia to meet with political leaders there when they were captured by Somali bandits in Shinniga desert (in Ogaden). These bandits were members of a splinter group from the Siad Barre army that harbored bitter hatred towards Oromo and the OLF. These bandits abused and severely tortured their Oromo captives. The bandits finally ordered the Muslims and Christians to segregate before their executions. The Oromo comrades chose to stay together and face any eventualities than identifying themselves as nothing else, but Oromo. On the day of April 15, 1980, all the ten were executed and their bodies thrown into a single grave.
Reasons for Celebrating the Oromo Martyrs’ Day
There are four major reasons why we commemorate this day.
First, this day allows us to remember those Oromo heroines and heroes who sacrificed their lives to restore Oromo culture, identity, and human dignity that were wounded by Ethiopian colonialism. In other words, this commemoration assists us to recognize the dialectical connection between martyrdom, bravery, patriotism and Oromummaa.
Until Oromo heroes and heroines created the OLF and maintained its survival by paying ultimate sacrifices, Oromo peoplehood, culture, language, and history were dumped into the trashcan of Ethiopian history. These heroes and heroines had clearly understood the significance of Oromo culture, history, language, and identity in building Oromummaa, and victorious consciousness to consolidate the Oromo national struggle for achieving Oromian statehood, sovereignty, and democracy.
Second, this commemoration day reminds us that Oromo liberation requires heavy sacrifices, and those who have given their lives for our freedom, are our revolutionary models. Such patriots created dignified history for our nation.
Third, this day reminds us that we have historical obligations to continue the struggle that Oromo martyrs started until victory.
Fourth, this celebration helps us recognize that Oromo heroes and heroines are still fighting in Oromia today. Overall, those Oromo patriots, who by luck have survived and continued the difficult and complex struggle, deserve recognition and respect for what they have done for their people. We must protect them from lies and propaganda of the internal and external enemies. Without the persistent efforts of our patriots, the multiple enemies of the Oromo nation would have destroyed the OLF a long time ago. This does not mean that we do not criticize them when they make mistakes. It is the responsibility of Oromo nationalists to develop constructive criticisms to strengthen our national movement.
The Oromo leaders and members of the OLF, who ignited the fire of Oromummaa or Oromo nationalism, whether dead or alive, have been the foundation and pillar of the Oromo national movement. They left their families, wives, husbands, houses, professions, and children by choosing Oromo human dignity and freedom. By making these kinds of difficult choices, they confronted suffering and death. Consequently, they opened a new historical chapter in our history, and showed to us new possibilities by taking risky and courageous actions. Today, Oromo heroes and heroines are engaged in the Oromo struggle; members of the OLA, Oromo activist students and other activists are our contemporary heroes and heroines, who are intensifying the struggle. All Oromos all over the world who demonstrate their support and sympathy for the Oromo national struggle by contributing whatever they can for these brave men and women are also engaged in patriotic and brave activities.
We, Oromos in exile/Diaspora, should follow the footsteps of the fallen and surviving Oromo heroes and heroes by contributing anything we can to support the Oromo national struggle. If the fallen Oromos had paid with their lives to liberate us, how can we fail to contribute our time, money and expertise to liberate our beloved country, Oromia? How can we sleep when our mothers, daughters and sisters are raped in Oromia? How can we be at peace when genocide is committed on our people? Since our people live under Ethiopian political slavery, and since no country supports the Oromo struggle, we must fulfill our historical obligations by supporting the Oromo national struggle.
April 15th is then chosen to be a day of remembrance for these and all other martyrs, who died in any month and season of the past 120 years of the Oromo anti-colonial struggle.
The following Oromo leaders were martyred on April 15, 1980
1. Bariso Waabii (Magarsaa Barii)
2. Gadaa Gammadaa (Demise Tacaane)
3. Abbaa Xiq (Abboma Mitikku)
4. Doori Barii (Yiggazu Banti)
5. Falmataa (Umar, Caccabsaa)
6. Fafamaa Doyyoo
7. Irrinaa Qacale (Dhibaa)
8. Dhadhachaa Mul’ataa
9. Dhadhachaa Boruu
10. Marii Galaan
Conclusion
Our martyrs lost their lives while dreaming and fighting for freedom, justice, democracy, and development of their people and their country. They recognized that agitating, educating, organizing, and mobilizing a colonized and dehumanized nation for liberation requires courage, determination, bravery and self-sacrifice without fear of suffering and death in the hands of the enemy and their collaborators. We have moral and national responsibilities to achieve the objectives for which our heroines and heroes sacrificed their lives.
The Oromo national movement is a very dangerous project. Tens of thousands of our people have been imprisoned, tortured, raped, and received all forms of abuse from successive Ethiopian governments in general, and that of the Meles Zenawi in particular. The Tigrayan-led government has been systematically targeting and killing all Oromo leaders and those who have potentials of leadership while promoting the most despicable elements of Oromo society and the children of colonial settlers as leaders of the Oromo nation.
While commemorating our fallen heroes and heroines, we must also remember our current ones who are engaging in the bitter struggle and those who are suffering in Ethiopian prisons. We must double our support for the OLA that is engaging in implementing the missions of the fallen Oromo heroines and heroes in Oromian forests, valleys, mountains, and Ethiopian garrison cities. We should sustain the spirits of our fallen heroes and heroines by taking concrete actions every day. It is our national responsibility to educate, mobilize and recruit passive or unconscious Oromo individuals to join the Oromo national movement. Such actions must start in families by educating and training children; husbands and wives must teach one another and their children the essence of Oromoummaa. The spirits of our heroes and heroines require that all of us must be grass-root leaders who engage in a systematic struggle to fight those agents of the enemy or those misled individuals who undermine the Oromo national struggle intentionally or unintentionally.
All Oromo nationalists must be cadres, teachers, students, leaders, followers, fighters, financiers, ideologues, organizers, defenders and promoters of the Oromo cause. We should not keep quiet when certain individuals attack our organizations, leaders, communities and Oromo peoplehood to satisfy their troubled egos or their masters. If we do some of these activities in our daily lives, the spirits of our fallen heroes and heroines will survive through our actions.
Source: Advocacy for Oromia

Wednesday, March 26, 2014

Ethiopia: Arrests and Detentions of Oromo Students in Southern Oromia

hrlhaHRLHA Urgent Action
March 26, 2014
Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) would like to express its deep concern over the safety and fates of Shakiso High School Oromo Students who became victims of discriminate mass arrest and detention in Shakiso Town of Guji Zone in southern Oromia. Around two hundred ethnic Oromo Students have been sent to a jail in the nearby Adola Town, and some have received varying degrees of injuries both from bullets that were shot by the security forces during the interference and by beatings.
Shakiso High School
Shakiso High School
Those high school Oromo Students, almost all of whom are juvenile, were arrested and/or picked up at different times from different places including the school compound following a minor clash between them and ethnic Amhara Students of the same high school. According to information obtained by HRLHA through its correspondents, the clash between the two groups occurred following a provocation by the ethnic Amhara Students in opposition to the singing of the regional anthem in the regional Oromo Language by ethnic Oromo Students during flag raising ceremony at the school based on the rules and regulations provided for by the constitution of the regional state. The ethnic Oromo Students were reporting the incident and filing their complaints with the school administration when the school compound was raided by the federal security forces. Among the ironies surrounding this incident were that:
  1. The Federal Security Forces were deployed to interfere in such very minor and localized issues that could easily be dealt with by local administrative bodies and communities including that of the school itself,
  2. The ethnic Oromo Students, who were the victims of the clash, were discriminately double-victimized while those who triggered the violence were left unquestioned,
  3. Not only that such constitutional provisions as a regional anthem that have been in place for close to two decades becomes a subject of dispute, but also those who attempted to exercise such legal provisions were deemed criminals that belong to detention instead of those who contradicted the constitution head on.
The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) has been able to obtain the names of the
following Oromo students among those who have been detained:
  1. Bezabish Gurmeessaa (MEMBER OF OPPOSITION OFC)- wounded by bullet,
  2. Desta Waaree – beaten up and injured,
  3. Bali Chachu (MEMBER OF OPPOSITION OFC)
  4. Buno Shaggola (MEMBER OF OPPOSITION OFC)
  5. Bakalcha Oddo (MEMBER OF OPPOSITION OFC)
  6. Bezabish Gurmeessaa
  7. Chaltu Birbissa
  8. Hotessa Soree
  9. Yohanes Jisso
  10. Kifle Areri
  11. Badhadha (father name not identified)
  12. Beyena Jarso
  13. Shambel Galchu
  14. Jemal Aga
  15. Wendimu Areri
  16. Nagessa Gedo
  17. Getachew Demise
  18. Boru Dube
  19. Gemechis Bilu
  20. Chari Chana
  21. Ware Kottola ,
Although the interference of the government security forces was not far from expectations, the very harsh and violent actions that have resulted in life-threatening injuries are not acceptable by any standard. Given the violent way the students were dealt with, it is also very likely that they could be subjected to tortures.
Therefore, HRLHA calls up on the Ethiopian government to unconditionally release the detained
students; and allow necessary treatments for those who have been injured and/or wounded. It also calls upon the Ethiopian government to investigate the clash and bring the culprits to justice so that they refrain from continued racist provocations that will create conflicts between the two nations.

Tuesday, March 25, 2014

Godina Shawaa Lixaa Magaalaa Ambootti FDG Qeerroo Dargaggoota Oromootiin bifa harawaa fi qindawaan itti fufe.


Bitootessa 24/2014 Godina Shawaa Lixaa Magaalaa Ambootti FDG Qeerroo Dargaggoota Oromootiin bifa harawaa fi qindawaan itti fufe. Qeerroon baratootni Oromoo dhaabbilee barnootaa olaanoo biyyatii Yuunivarsiitootaa fi koolleejjota garagaraa irraa eebbifaman kanneen baay’inni isaanii 100 ol ta’aniin haala qindoomina qabuun qabsoon hojii dhabdoota baratoota Oromoo sadarkaa barnootaa digirii jalqabaa fi dipilomaa qabaniin egaale jira.
Gootootni Qeerroon dargaggootni Oromoo biyyaa abbaa keenyaa Oromiyaa badhaatuu keessatti hojiidhabdee taanee, jiruuf jireenyaan dararamaa jiraacha jirra, jechuun Wajjiraa bulchiinsaa Godina fi Wajjiraa komishinii Poolisii Godina Lixaa Shawaa fulduraatti walitti qabamuun gaaffii isaanii qindeeffatanii bulchiinsa godina lixa shawaatti yeroo dhiyeeffatanitti hojjetootni ergamtuun sirna Wayyaanee godinichaa bulchaan Godinaa waan hin jirreef yeroo inni jiruttii gaaffii keessan isin irra fuudhamaa malee ofii keenyaa deebisuu hin dandeenyu jechuun deebii sodaan guutame kenaani jiru.
Komishiniin Poolisii Godina Lixaa Shawaas gaaffii keessan kan nuti deebisuu hin dandeenyu bulchaan godinaas hin jiruu jechuun namni gaaffii hojiidhabdoota baratoota Oromoo keessuummeessuu dhibamuun biyyaattiin mootummaa mataa ishee kan hin qabne ta’uu kan mul’isuu ta’uun ifatti saaxilamee jira. Mootummaan Wayyaanee fi ergamtuun Wayyaanee gaaffii dargaggoo Qeerroo Oromoo jalaa lafa seentu dhabdee muddama cimaa keessa seentee jiraachuun hubatame jira. Boodarraan erga deebiin kun baratoota Oromoo barnoota xummuraanii hojii dhabanii jiruuf jireenyaan dararamaa jiran kanaaf kennamee boodaa komishiniin Poolisii godina Lixaa Shawaa fi humnoonni basaasaa wayyaanee baratoota Gaaffii Mirgaa dhiyeeffatan gooluuf poolisoota fi humna waraanaa hidhachiisuun dorsisanii addaan bittineessuuf yaalii godhamee Goototni baratootni Oromoo nuti mirga keenyaa falmachuuf baanee waan ta’eef dorsiisaa, hidhaa, du’aaf illee duubattii kan deebinu hin se’iina, gaaffii kenyaa nurraa fuudhaa nuf deebisaa, yoo kana hin gootaan ta’ee biyyaa gadhiisaa abbaan biyyaa dhufee biyyaa fi nuyi uummata isaa seeraan haa bulchuu jechuun afaan qabachiisaan.
Humna tikaa fi baasaasaa Wayyaanee godin Lixaa Shawaa kan ta’ee kan yeroo hedduu ilmaan Oromoo bakkota garaagaraatti hisiisaa, ajjeesisaa, fi biyyaa irra arii’achaa ture namni maqaan isaa “Leejjisaa Jootee” jedhamuu uummata doorsisuun   walga’ii seeraan alaa walitti qabamtan hundii keessan iyyuu ni hidhamtuu jechuun ergama diinummaa isaa bahuuf yaalii godhullee goototni sabboontotni qeerroo dargaggootni Oromoo mirga keenya kabachiifachuuf gaaffii karaa nagaa fi dimookiraasii dhiyeeffachaa jirruuf duubatti hin deebinu ati mataan kee seeraatti dhiiyachuu qabda malee nu shororkeessuu hin dandeessuu jechuun dura dhaabbatan. Komishiniin Poolisii Godinichaa baratoota tasgabbeessuuf yaalii godhullee jechootni dabbaloota Wayyaanee akka ergamticha diinaa ”Leejjiisaa Jootee” keessa ba’uu dhiiga kan nama danfisuu ta’uu, baratootni ifatti dubbachuun gaaffiin mirgaa hojiidhabdummaan walqabatee ka’ee kan itti fufuu fi hin dhaabbannee ta’uu hubachiisuun Gaaffii har’a kaasaan kanas lafa bulchiinsii godinichaa jirutti itti fufinsaan fulduratti kan dhiyeeffatan ta’uu murteessuun kan gargar bahan ta’uun ibsamera.

Monday, March 24, 2014

ኣሳ ጉርጉዋሪ ዘንዶ ያወጣል ዛሬም የኦሮሞው፣ የትግራዩ፣ የሲዳማው፣ የቤኒሻንጉሉ፣ የሃዲያው ወዘተ ማንነት በራሳቸው ማንነት ታፍኖ፣ ቁዋንቁዋቸው በኣማርኛ ተተክቶ ኣማራ ሆይ ማረን ብለው ኣጎንብሰው ኣንዲያመልኩኣቸው ከማለም ኣልተመለሱም።

በያህያ ጀማል | March 23, 2014
የነፍጠኛው ገዢ መደብ ርዝራዦች በተቻላቸው ኣቅም ሁሉ ኦሮሞና ኦሮሞነትን ለመፋለም ተሰማርተዋል። የመንግስትን ስልጣን ይዞና የነፍጠኛውን የበላይነት ተክቶ ኣገር እየመራ ያለው ወያኔ ኢህኣዴግ ቢሆንም የነርሱ ዋነኛ ጠላት ግን ዛሬም ስልጣን ኣልባው ኦሮሞ ሆኖ ቀጥሏል። የወያኔ ኢህኣዴግ መንግስት ኦሮሞን ጨምሮ የብሄር ብሄረሰቦችን ማንነት ኣምኖ መቀበሉና ይህንንም (በመጠኑም ቢሆን) የሚያረጋግጥ ፌዴራላዊ ስርኣት መዘርጋቱ ያበገናቸው የቀድሞው ኣሃዳዊ ስርኣት ናፋቂዎች ኣማራ ነን ብለው ኣፋቸውን ሞልተዋ እንደ ኣማራ ብሄር ቆመው ከመከራከር ይልቅ ዛሬም በ ‘ኢትዮጵያነት’ የማስመሰያ ካባ ነጻ ህዝቦችን መልሰው መዳፋቸው ስር ማስገባት ከማለም ኣልቦዘኑም። ዛሬም የኦሮሞው፣ የትግራዩ፣ የሲዳማው፣ የቤኒሻንጉሉ፣ የሃዲያው ወዘተ ማንነት በራሳቸው ማንነት ታፍኖ፣ ቁዋንቁዋቸው በኣማርኛ ተተክቶ ኣማራ ሆይ ማረን ብለው ኣጎንብሰው ኣንዲያመልኩኣቸው ከማለም ኣልተመለሱም።
እነዚህ የነፍጠኛው ገዢ መደብ ኣተላዎች በነርሱ እኩይ የስልጣን ጥማትና በሌሎች ላይ በሚያሳዩት ንቀት ሳቢያ ኣማራውን ሁሉ ኣንድ ላይ ደምረን እንድንጸየፍ ወይም እንድናወግዝ ይፈልጋሉ። በርግጥ የተከበረው የኣማራ ህዝብ እነዚህን ከኣብራኩ የወጡና ለሌሎች ሰላምና ነጻነት ጸር የሆኑትን ልጆቹን ገስፆ የማስታገስ ሃላፊነት የወደቀው ከማንም በላይ በገዛ ትከሻው ላይ መሆኑ ኣይካድም። ኣንዳንድ መረን የለቀቁ ተማርን ባይ የኣማራ ተወላጆች ጭራሽ በነርሱ ብሶ ‘ኦሮሞ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ የገባው በ16ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን ነው’ እያሉ ኣደገኛ ድፍረት እያሳዩን ናቸው። የተከበረው የኣማራው ህዝብ እንዲህ ባለው ኣደገኛ ድፍረት ውስጥ እጁን ከማስገባት ኣንዲቆጠብና የህዝብ ለህዝብ ክብራችንን እንደጠበቅን እንድንዘልቅ እየተመኘን ከመዘዘኞቹ ባለጉዳዮች ጋር የታሪክና የፖለቲካ ሂሳባችንን ለማወራረድ እንገደዳለን።
የኣማራው ሊህቃን ስለ ምኒልክ ጭፍጨፋና ስለ ኢትዮጵያ ኢምፓየር ኣመሰራረት ኢ ፍትሃዊነት በተነሳ ቁጥር እሱን ትተው ዘለው ቂብ የሚሉት በ16ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን ታሪክ ጉዳይ ላይ ነው። ለምኒልክ ጉዳይ ምኒልካዊ ምላሽ መስጠት ተስኖኣቸው ሃራምባና ቆቦ የሆነ ነገር መዘባረቁ ይቀናቸዋል። ምኒልክ የራሱን ኢምፓየር ለመመስረት ሲዘምት ኦሮሞውንና ሌላውን ብሄር ጨፍጭፏል ኣልጨፈጨፈም ነው ጥያቄው። ምላሹም ኣዎን ጨፍጭፎ ነበር ወይም የለም እልጨፈጨፈም ነው። ከሁለቱ መልሶች የተያዘውን ይዞ በጭብጥ መከራከር ያባት ሆኖ ሳለ ሮጠው 16ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን ላይ ጉብ ማለት ኣስቂኝ የፈሪዎች ባህሪይ ነው።
ትምህተኞቹ የነፍጠኛ ልጆች የምኒልክን ጭፍጨፋ በተመለከተ ‘ኣባቶቻችን ስህተት ፈጽመዋልና ያለፈውን ስህተታቸውን ለታሪክ ትተን በኣዲስ ወዳጅነት ለወደፊቱ የጋራ ህልውናችን እንትጋ’ የሚል በቅን የተሞላ ኣቁዋም ይይዙ ይሆናል ተብለው ሲጠበቁ ይባስ ብለው ‘ጭፍጨፋው ፍትሃዊ ነበር’ እያሉ ሽንጣቸውን ገትረው መከራከርን መርጠዋል። ይህ ኣጉል ድፍረታቸው ደግሞ የሚመነጨው ‘ኦሮሞ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ የገባው ከ16ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን በሁዋላ ነውና እንዲህ ኣይነት ወቀሳ ሊያቀርብብን ሞራል የለውም’ ከሚል የድንቁርና እምነታቸው ነው። ኢትዮጵያን የያዛችሁት በቅርብ ጊዜ ውስጥ በመሆኑ እኛ የጥንት ባለርስቶች ስንጨፈጭፋችሁ መጨፍጨፍ፣ ስንገዛችሁ መገዛት፣ ስናፍናችሁ መታፈን እንጂ ሌላ ኣማራጭ የላችሁም ሊሉን ይዳዳቸዋል። ከዚህም ኣልፎ ወራሪውን ምኒልክን ሲታገሉት የወደቁ የኦሮሞ ጀግኖችን ያላንዳች ሃፍረት ‘ከሃዲዎች’ ሲሏቸውም እየሰማን ነው። የምኒልክ ጦር ዘምቶ የያዘው መሬት ጥንታዊ መሬታችን እንጂ የኦሮሞ መሬት ኣልነበረምና በዚህ ጦርነት ላይ ኦሮሞውን ጡት መቁረጥና መስለብ ፍትሃዊና ቁዱስ እርምጃ ነው እያሉ ናቸው። ይህ ነው የመከራከሪያቸው ዋነኛው ጭብጥ።
ይህን ካልን ዘንዳ ወደ ዋናው ነጥብ እንግባ። ለመሆኑ ኦሮሞ ከ16ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን በፊት ኣገሩ ሌላ ነበር? ይህንን ኣስቂኝ ጥያቄ ለመመለስ ሲባል ወደ ጥንታዊ ታሪክ መግባት የግድ ሊሆንብን ነው። ጥንታዊው ታሪክ ስንል ቢያንስ ከኣንድ ሺህ ኣመት በፊት ስለነበረው ታሪክ ማለት ነው። ጥንታዊውን ታሪክ ስናስብ ዛሬ ኦሮሞ፣ ኣማራ፣ ወዘተ እየተባሉ በብሄር ስም ስለሚጠሩ ህዝቦች ሳይሆን የነዚህ ብሄሮች ኣባት ስለነበሩት ነገዶች ነው የምናነሳው። የቀጣናችን ጥንታዊ ታሪክ ስለ ብሄሮች ሳይሆን ስለነገዶች ነው የሚያወሳው። በነገድ ነገዳችን ስንደለደል ታዲያ ኦሮሞ ዋነኛው የኩሽ ነገድ ግንድ መሆኑን እናገኛለን። የኩሽ ነገድ የጥንታዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ (የዛሬዋን የምኒልክ ኢምፓየር ማለቴ ኣይደለም) የስልጣኔ ባለቤት ነው። የኩሽ ኢትዮጵያ ግሪኮቹ Aithiops ያሉዋት የጥቁር ህዝብ ምድር ነበረች። ይቺ የኩሽ ኢትዮጵያ ናት በመፅሃፍ ቅዱስ ውስጥ ‘ኢትዮጵያ እጆቿን ወደ እግዚኣብሄር ትዘረጋለች’ ተብላ የተጠቀሰችው። ይህ ደግሞ ከግብጽ ጀምሮ እስከ ኑቢያ ድረስ እንዲሁም በኣንዳንድ መልኩ ኣክሱምን የሚያጠቃልል የጥንት ስልጣኔ ኣሻራ ነው። በዚህ የስልጣኔ ዘመን ኣማራ፣ ኦሮሞ፣ ትግራይ… የሚባል የብሄር ኣደረጃጀት ላይ ኣልተደረሰም ነበር ብለናል። ስለሆነም ኩሾቹ ኣንደኩሽነታቸው፣ ሃበሾችም (ሁዋላ ላይ ከኩሽ ህዝብ ጋር የተዋሃዱ) እንደ ሃበሻነታቸው የራሳቸው የሆነ መለያ ታሪክ ነበራቸው። መካድ የማንችለው ትልቁ እውነታ ግን ግሪኮቹ ኢትዮጵያ የሚል ስያሜ የሰጡት ምድር የኩሽ ምድር መሆኑና ኦሮሞ ደግሞ የኩሽ ነገድ ትልቁ ግንድ መሆኑን ነው። ይህ ሰፊ ምድር ደግሞ የዛሬዋን የምንሊክ ኢምፓየር ጨምሮ ኣብዛኛውን የምስራቅና ሰሜን ምስራቅ ኣፍሪቃን የሚያጠቃልል ነው።
ኦሮሞ የኩሽ ነገድ ዋነኛው ግንድ እንደመሆኑ መጠን ማናቸውም የኩሽ ስልጣኔ ኣሻራዎች የራሱ ናቸው። ኦሮሞ ኣሁን የምኒልክ ኢምፓየር ሆና ከተመሰረተችው ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥም ውጭም ሲኖር ነበረ። ሲሻው ሲወጣ ሲሻውም ሲገባ ነው የኖረው። ምክንያቱም መሬቱ ከጥንትም ጀምሮ የነገዱ የኩሽ መሬት ነውና በፈለገው ጊዜ ለመውጣትም ሆነ ለመግባት የማንም ፈቃድ የሚያሻው ኣልነበረምና። ይህ ደግሞ በማናቸውም የኣለም ህዝቦች ታሪክ ውስጥ የሚታወቅ ህዝባዊ ኣኗኗር ነው። ኣለማችን እንደዛሬው የፖለቲካ ድንበሮች ተበጅተው ኣንዱ ኣገር ከሌላው ተለይተው ሳይታወቁ በፊት ህዝቦች እንዳሻቸው ከስፍራ ስፍራ ሲንቀሳቀሱ ኖረዋል። በዚያ ላይ ኦሮሞ ጥንት ከብት ኣርቢ ህዝብ እንደመሆኑ መጠን ለከብቶቹ ግጦሽ ፍለጋ የኣየር ሁኔታው እንደቀናው በስፋት የመንቀሳቀስ ፍላጎት ነበረበት።
በነጻ ህዝቦች ንቀት የተጠናወቱት የነፍጠኛው ልህቃን ማወቅ ያለባቸው ሌላው ትልቁ ነገር እነርሱ የታሪክ ሃብታሞች ሆነው ኦሮሞው የታሪክ ድሃ ኣለመሆኑን ነው። እነርሱ የጥንት ስልጣኔ ባለቤቶች ሆነው ኦሮሞው ስልጣኔ ኣልባ ህዝብ ኣለመሆኑንም ጭምር ማስታወስ ኣለባቸው። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ስልጣኔ በሁለት መልኩ ይገለጻል። ኣንደኛውና ኣንጋፋው በኩሽ ስልጣኔ ስም ኣለም የሚያውቀው የጥንታዊት ኢትዮጵያ ስልጣኔ ነው። ሁለተኛው ደግሞ ከዚያ ጥንታዊ ዘመን በሁዋላ እንደ ብሄር ይዞት እስከ ዛሬ የዘለቀው ዴሞክራሲያዊው የገዳ ስርኣትና የስነ ከዋክብት ጥናት (Urjii Dhaha) ስልጣኔው ነው። ኦሮሞ በኩሽነቱ የነኑቢያና ኬሜት (ጥንታዊት ግብፅ) የግንባታና የስነፅሁፍ ስልጣኔዎች ባለቤት ነው። እንደ ሁዋለኛው ዘመን ኦሮሞነቱ ደግሞ ኣፍሪቃ ውስጥ በምሳሌነቱ የሚጠቀሰው የዴሞክራሲያዊ ፖለቲካ መገለጫ የሆነው የገዳ ስርኣት ስልጣኔ ባለቤት ነው። ኦሮሞ በገዳ ስርኣቱ መሪውን (ኣባገዳውን) በሰላማዊ መንገድ ሲመርጥና ሲሸኝ፣ ከዚያም በታች ያሉትን ኣስተዳዳሪዎቹን ያላንዳች ደም ጠብታ ሲሾምና ሲሽር ኣለማችን ላይ ህዝቦች በስልጣን ጥም ደም ሲፋሰሱ ኖረዋል። ይህ እንደ ኦሮሞነታችን የምንኮራበት የስልጣኔያችን ዋልታ ሲሆን ለሌሎችም ጎሮቤቶቻችን በምሳሌነቱ የሚጠቀስና እንዲሁም እንደ ጉዲፈቻችን ሁሉ በተውሶ ስራ ላይ መዋል የነበረበት እንጂ በትምክህት መንቁዋሸሽ የሚገባው ባህል ኣይደለም።
ወደተነሳንበት ጉዳይ ስንመለስ የዛሬዋ የምኒልክ ኢምፓየር ኢትዮጵያም የኦሮሞውና የሌላው ኩሽ ህዝብ ሁሉ መፍለቂያና መኖሪያ መሆኗን ልናሰምርበት እንሻለን። እኛ ትምክህተኞቹ የነፍጠኛ ልጆች የኣገሬውን ኣንጋፋ ህዝብ ኦሮሞውን ‘ኣገርህ እዚህ ኣይደለም’ ስላሉት ተረብሸንና ተርበትብተን ‘እናንተም ከደቡብ ኣረቢያ ቀይ ባህርን ኣቁዋርጣችሁ በመምጣት እዚህ የኛ ኩሽ ኣገር ላይ ሰፍራችሁኣልና ለቃችሁ ውጡልን’ እስከ ማለት ኣንሄድም። ትልቁ ጥያቄያችን የትላንትናው የታሪክ ጥያቄ ሳይሆን የዛሬው የፖለቲካ መብት ጥያቄ ነው። የዛሬው የፖለቲካ መብታችን በትላንትናው ታሪካችን ልክ እንዲሰፋልንም ኣንገደድም። ኣብዛኛው የኣለማችን ህዝብ በታሪክ ማንነቱ ላይ ብቻ ተመርኩዞ ኣይደለም የፖለቲካ ኣስተዳደሩን ያዋቀረው።
ይህን ስንል የኣማራ ልህቃን በኣኩይነታቸው ገፍተው ኦሮሞ ኣገሩ እዚህ ኣይደለም የሚል የደንቆሮ ጨዋታ ከቀጠሉበት እኛም ምላሽ ይኖረናል። ኣማራው ማነው፣ ኣገሩስ የት ነው የሚለው ጥያቄ ሊከተል ይችላል። የዚህ ጥያቄ ምላሽ ደግሞ በእጅጉ መልሶ የሚጎዳው ኣሳ ጎርጉዋሪዎቹን የነፍጠኛ ልህቃንንና መከረኛውን የኣማራ ህዝብ ይሆናል። ስለሆነም ዶሮ ጭራ ጭራ… እንዲሉ የምኒልክ ልጆች በገዛ ሰውነታቸው ላይ እባብ ከመጠምጠም እንዲቆጠቡ ኣክመራለሁ።
ያህያ ጀማል

The continuing of Human Rights Violation against Oromo people

Kiyya GonfaaBy Kiyyaa Gonfaa
Over the past 22 years, the TPLF-led and dominated Ethiopian government, has imprisoned tens of thousands of oromo political opposition and citizens, . As the result of the government’s repressive policies, thousands of innocent citizens have been languishing in prisons and secret camps and many have been severely tortured and killed. Others have been abducted and made to disappear. Hundreds have been murdered in broad day-light. Well respected human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the US State Department’s own annual reports have documented rampant arrests,tortured and Extra-judicial killings and disappearances (hidden assassinations) and other human rights abuses by TPLF government.today, there are more than 30,000 Oromos jailed and being torturing in Ethiopian prison centers being suspected of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) members and supporters and Prominent Oromo individuals, civil servants,teachers and students, farmers are being murdered, detained, kidnapped, displaced and harassed for no crime committed.
The TPLF-led regime mainly targets the Oromo people and oromia because of the economic resources and political resistance. Now a days, there is no single independent media in Ethiopia.News papers, websites,bloggs have been closed by the government. In addition oromo Journalists and activists have suffered for the last 22 years under TPLF because of their peaceful struggle for justice of Oromo people in Ethiopia.
Read More:- Oromo.odt

Friday, March 21, 2014

Kibba Lixa Shawaa M/B Haruu Culullee Keessatti Gaaffii Mirgaa Barattooti Oromoo Kaasan Gara Aanaatti Babaldhate.

Gabaasa Qeerroo Amboo Bitootessa 21,2014 

Diddaan sirna mootummaa Wayyaanee gaafa Bitootessaa 18/2014 godina kibba lixaa Shawaa Aanaa Sadan Sooddootti FDG qabsiifameen ummannii fi loltooti mootummaa Wayyaanee walitti bu’aa jiraachuun beekame.
Goototni baratootni Oromoo M/B Harbuu Culullee sadarkaa 2ffaa fi qopha’ina gochaa abbaa irrummaa sirna bulchiinsa EPRDF Wayyaanee yeroo irraa gara yerootti gaafa baasee ilmaan Oromoo barnoota irraa arii’atu, balleessa malee qabee mana hidhatti darbatuu fi mirgaa uummata Oromoo ukkamsee jiraachuu barbaadu balaaleffachuun hiriira mormii mootummaa Wayyaanee irratti gaggeessan.
Sababi guddaan hiriira mormii kana kaases mootummaan abbaa irree Wayyaanee fi ergamtuun Wayyaanee OPDO’n barataa sabboonaa Oromoo Barataa Gabbisaa Tammiruu barataa kutaa 12ffaa kan baratuun ati kayyoo ABO tu si keessa jira kayyoo diinaa baattee barachuu hin dandeessu jechuun M/B irra arii’atamuun FDG kana qabsiisee jiraachuun beekame.
Gootootni baratootni Oromoo M/B Harbuu Culullee gochaa diinummaa Wayyaanee balaaleffaachuun hanga barataan Oromoo balleessaa malee arii’amee kun barnootatti deebi’utti barnoota hin barannu jechuun hiriira mormii gochaa diinummaa sirna Wayyaanee balaaleffachuun gaggeessuun, dhaadannoo ilmaan Oromoo hidhuun, ajjeesuun, barnoota irraa arii’achuun nurraa dhaabbachuu qaba jedhuufi kannee mirgii dhala namaa fi dimookiraasii kabajamuu qaba jedhu dhageesisuun hiriirichaa magaalaa Harbuu Culullee keessa nanna’uun sagalee isanii dhageesifata.
Sabaaba kanaan walqabatee M/b Harbuu Culullee Sadarkaa 2ffaa fi qophaa’ina keessatti sirni baruuf barsiisuu dhaabbatee jiraachuun
gabaafamera. Mootummaan abbaa irree Wayyaanee sochii kanatti haalan rifachuun soochii warraaqsaa FDG baratootaa kana duuban keessa jirtu jechuun barsiisota mana barumsicha qorannoo fi doorsiisan dararamaa jiraachuu maddeen keenya kibba lixa shawaa irraa gabaasa jiru, sochii FDG kanas ukkaamsuuf humna waraanaa fi poolisaa guddaa magalittii irra qubsiisuun jiruuf jireenya uummataa hunkuraa jira.